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AN 

ESTIMATE 

OF THE 

COMPARATIVE STRENGTH 

OF 

GREAT BRITAIN; 

AND OF THE 

LOSSES OF HER TRADE, 

FROM EVERY WAR, SINCE THE REVOLUTION^ 

WITH 

AN INTRODUCTION 

o p 

PREVIOUS HISTORY, 



A NEW EDniON, 
COPvRECTID, AND CONTINUED, TO 

1810. 



BY GEORGE CHALMERS, F.R.S, S.A. ^^ 

AUTHOR OF CALEDONIA, 4<^. 



LONBONf 

Printed by Luhe Hanfard <^ Sons, near Lincdnh-Inn Fields, 

FOR J. J. STOCKDALE, No.41^ PALL-MALL, 
1810. 







f^^ 



^ f ^ 



T H B 



PREFACE. 



DURING the ftruggles of a great nation, for 
her Mety, or renown, conjunctures often ariie, 
when the perfon, whofe ftation does not admit of 
his giving advice, ought to offer his informations. The 
prefent feemed to be fuch a time. And the Com- 
piler of the following (heets, having collected various 
documents, with regard to the national refources, 
thought it his duty to make an humble tender to the 
public of that authentic intelligence, which, amidft 
the wailings of defpondency, had brought conviction, 
and comfort, to his own mind. 

Little have they ftudied the theory of man, or 
obferved his famihar life, who have not remarked, 
that the individual finds the higheft gratification, 
in deploring the felicities of the paft, even amidft 
the pleafures of the prefent. Prompted, thus, by 

A 2 temper 



IV THE PREFACE. 

temper, he has, in every age, complained of its de- 
cline, ' and depopulation, while the world w^s the 
moft populous, and its affairs the moft prof- 
perous. 

The reader, who honours the following fheets, 
With an attentive perufal, may probably find, that 
though we have advanced, by wide fteps, during the 
laft century, in the fcience of politics, we have ftill 
much to learn ; and that the fummit can only be 'gain- 
ed, by fubftituting accurate refearch, for delufive fpe- 
culation, and rejecting zeal of paradox, for mode- 
ration of opinion. 

Mankind are now too enlightened to admit of 
confident affertion, in the place of fatisfa61;ory proof, 
or plaufible novelty, for conclufive evidence. He, 
eonfequ^ntly, who propofes new modes of argument, 
muft expert contradi6lion, and he, who draws ,novel 
conclufions, from uncommon premiies, ought to 
enable the reader to examine his reafonings ; becaufe 
it is juft inquiry, which can alone eitabliih the cer- 
tainty of truth on the degradation of error : And 
little is, therefore, aiTerted, in the following flieets, 
without the citation of fufficient authorities, or the 
mention of authentic documents, which it is now 
proper to explain. 

As early as the reign of James I. ingenuity ex- 
erted its powers to difcpver, through the thick cloud, 

which 



THE PREFACE. Y 

which then enveloped an interefting fubje6}:, the 
value of our exports, and of our imports; and from 
their notices, by an eafy dediiQ:ion, to find, whether 
we were gainers, or lofers, by our traffic. Dihgent 
inquirers looked into the entries at the cuftom-houle, 
as they knew, that fince a duty of five in the hun- 
dred was colle6i:ed on the value of commodities, 
which were fent out, and brought in, it would re- 
quire no difficult calculation, to afcertain nearly the 
amount of both. And, during that reign, it was 
eitablifhed as a rule, not only among merchants, 
but ftateflnen, to multiply the general value of the 
euftoms, inwards and outwards, by twenty, in order 
to find the true amount of the various articles, which 
formed the aggregate of our foreign trade. 

Exceptionable as this mode was, it furnifhed, 
through feveral years of darknefs, the only light, that 
our anceftors had to dire6l their inex[)erienced fteps, 
notwithftanding the impatience of politicians, and 
the efforts of minifters. It is difficult to induce the 
old to alter the modes of their youth. When the 
committee of the privy council for trade, urged the 
commiffioners of the cufloms, about the end of 
Charles II.'s reign — " to enter the feveral commo- 
dities, which formed the exports, and imports ; to 
affix to each its ufual price ; and to form a general 
total, by calculating the value of the whole," — the 
cuftom-houfe officers infilled, — *' that, to comply 
with fuch directions; would require one half of the 

A3 clerks 



vi tHE PREFACE. 

clerks of London." — And the theorifts of thofe timesi 
continued to fatisfy their curiofity, and to alarm the 
nation, on the fide of her commercial jealoufy ; lince 
there exifted no written evidence, by which their 
ftatements could be proved, or their declamations 
confuted. 

It was to the liberality, no lefs than to the perfe- 
verance, of the Houfe of Peers, that the public 
were at laft indebted, in 1 696, for the eftablilhment 
of the Infpe6tor-General of the Imports and Ex* 
ports, and for the Ciiftom-houfe Ledger^ which con- 
tains the particulars, and value of both ; and which 
forms, therefore, the moil ufeful record, with regard 
to Trade, that any country pofTelTes. 

From this authentic regifter, the parliament was 
yearly fupplied with details, either for argument, or 
deliberation, and fpeculatifts were furnilhed with 
extracts, for the exercife of their ingenuity, or the 
formation of their projects. It is from this com- 
mercial regifter, that the "value of cargoes exported^ 
which will be fo often mentioned in this work, was 
alfo taken. 

But, as a6bual enjoyment feldom enfures eonti- 
nued fatisfa6l;ion, what had been demanded, for a 
century, when it was regarded as unattainable, was 
ere long derided, as defective, when it was poflefTed. 
And theorifts, who pointed out the defeats of an 

eilabliftiment^ 



THE PREFACE, Vfi 

eftablifliment, that could not be made perfe6t, found 
many believers, becaufe men's pride is gratified, by 
feeing imperfe6tion in all things. The office of 
Inrpe6:or-General was greatly improved, and ener- 
gized, during the firft adminiftration of Mr. Pitt. 

When the committee of Peers originally affixed 
the price, whereby each article of export, and im- 
port, ihould in future be rated, they probably knew, 
that the fucceffive fluctuation of demand, arifing from 
the change of fafhion, would neceffarily raife the va- 
lue of fome articles, and fmk the price of others ; 
but, that the fame flufiluation of tafte, which, in one 
age, occaiioned an apparent error, would, in the 
next, re-eftabliih the rule. Nor, did the Peers pro- 
bably expe6l to afcertain the real value of the 
exports, or of imports, during the current year ; as 
the prodigious extent of the calculation did not ad- 
mit of a fpeedy dedu6lion. But, they aimed, with a 
laudable fpirit, to eftablifli a ftandard, whereby a 
juft comparilbn might be made, between any two 
given periods of the palt ; and thereby to infer, 
whether our manufactures, and commerce, profpered, 
or declined, prior to the current year. This infor- 
mation the Ledger of the InfpeEior -General does 
certainly convey, with fufficient accuracy, for the 
ufes of practice, or the fpeculation of theoiy. Tbe 
official value of the exports, and imports, has always 
been fuppofed to be much under the real value : 

A 4 from 



Viii THE PREFACE. 

from recent experience, Ave are now able toftate the 
true amount of both. The value of Britilh manu- 
fa^lures, which were exported, was. 

Official Value. Real Value. 

In 1798- -^.19,672,503 - - ^.33,148,682 
^799' ' 24,084,213 - - 38,942,49s 
1800 - - 24,304,284 - - 39,471,203 
1809.- 35,io7>439 - - 50,242,761 

By contrafting, in the following work, the average 
exports of diftant years, we are enabled to trace the 
rife, the decline, or the progrefs of traffic, at different 
periods, even in every year. The Infpe6i;or- 
General, who eftablifhed that Ledger, in 1696, was 
WiUiam Culliford; who was fucceeded, by Dr. 
Charles Davenant, in 1703. Yet, half informed 
writers have alTerted, that Davenant was the original 
Infpe61;or-General " who formed thofe official values, 
in 1697'V 

* The books of the late Board of Trade, which are in my 
keeping, evince, that William Culliford, who had been a cuftom- 
houfe officer, in Ireland, was the Jirjl InfpeStor-General, who 
formed that Ledger in 1696. The Treafury Regifter proves, 
that on the 3d of June, 1703, Charles D'Avenant, Efq. was 
appointed Infpedor-General of Exports and Imports, in the 
room of William Culliford, Efq. appointed a CommifTioner of 
the'Cuftoms. We thus fee, in the Treafury Record, that 
D'Avenant was appointed the fecond Infpedor- General, at the 
end of feven years, after the eflablifliment of that office, by 
Culliford. 

It 



THE F HE FACE* IS; 

It is to the fame age, that we owe the eftablilh- 
ment of The regifter-general ofjhipp'mg. The ori- 
ginal inftitution of this office arofe from an indefinite 
claufe, in the commiffion of the cuftoms, during 
1 701. Thus it continued incidental to the appoint- 
ment of the Cuftom-houfe commiffioners, till '' the 
a6l for the union with Scotland, requiring the then 
Ihips of Scots property to be regiftered, in this office, 
it was thought fit to give it a diftind eftablifhment, 
and, at the fame time, to extend the account, which 
was kept before, of all foips trading over-fea, or 
coaftways, in England, to the fliips in Scotland * " 

The fame reafons, which, had induced the traders 
to enter at the Cuftom-houfe, in refpe6l to their 
merchandizes, rather too much, incited them, with 
regard to their veffels, to regifter the burthen ra- 
tlier too low ; as a tonnage duty, they knew, would 
be often required of them, at many ports : in the 
firit operation, they were governed, by their vanity; 
in the fecond, by their intereft: and if the one 
furnifhes an evidence too vague, the other gives a 
teftimony too degrading. Thus have we, in the 
entries of the iliipping, at the Cuftom-houfe, all the 
certainty, that the entries of merchandize has been 
fuppofed to want. And, in the following work, the 
quantity of tonnage, rather than the number of 
fliips, has been always ftated, at different periods, 

• Charles Godolphin's Memorial to theTreafury, Dec. 1717. 

with 



X THE PREFACE. 

with the value of cargoes which they were fuppofed 
to tranfport, as being the moft certain : when to 
the value of cai'goes, the tonnage is added, in the 
following pages, the reader is furnifhed with a fup- 
plemental proof to the ufeful notices, which each 
feparately conveys. 

Of the tonnage of veiTels, which will fo often 
occur, in the fubfequent fheets, it muft be always 
remembered, that they do not denote fo many 
diftin6l ihips, which performed fo many fmgle 
voyages : for, it frequently happens, that one veffel 
enters, and clears, at the Cuftom-houfe, feveral times 
in one year, as the colliers of Whitehaven, and 
Newcaftle: but, thefe repeated voyages were, in 
this manner, always made, and will conftantly con- 
tinue ; fo that, being always included, in the annual 
tonnage, we are equally enabled, to form a compa- 
rative eftimate of the advance, or decline, of our 
navigation, at any two given epochs of the pall. It 
is to be, moreover, remembered, that the Britiih 
veiTels enter at the Cuftom-houfe by the regiftered 
tons, and not by the meafured burden of the Ihip, 
which is fuppofed to be formerly one-third more, fo 
that the reader may in every year, through the 
following ftatements, calculate the tonnage at one* 
third more than the regiftered tonnage has given it, 
prior to the year 17 86, when the new regifter-a6l 
commenced. The regifter-a6l of the late Earl of 

Liverpool 



THE PREFACE, X! 

Liverpool has added great certainty to the record 
of {hipping; and confequently has contributed much 
to the ulefulnefs of the information, which the re- 
gifter of Ihipping truly conveys. 

The office of Infpe8;or-general of imports and 
exports, for Scotland, was eftabliflietl only, in 1755. 
And no diligence could procure authentic details 
of the Scotifti commerce, from any other fource of 
genuine information. The blank, which appears 
in the preceding period, as to the Scotiih traffic, 
fufficiently demonftrates, that imperfe6t evidence* 
with regard to an important fubjeO;, is preferable 
to none; as the glimmerings of the fainteft dawn 
is more invigorating than the gloom of total opa- 
city. Conne6led accounts of the fhipping of Scot- 
land cannot be given before 1759; becaufe it is 
only from this year, that they have been regularly 
entered at the Cuftom-houfe, at leaft conftantly 
kept. In refpe6t to thefe, the fame allowance muft 
be made for repeated "ooyages, and the fame aug- 
mentation, for the real burden^ more than the re- 
gijlered tonnage. It is not pretended, that the 
before-mentioned Cwftom-houfe books convey the 
certainty of demonftration. It is fufficient, that 
they contain the beji evidence, which the nature of 
the cafe admits. 

The fubje^l of population is fo intimately con- 
jne6led, with every eftimate of the ftrength of na- 
tions. 



Xll THE PREFACE. 

tions, that the compiler was induced to inquire 
into the populoufnefs of England, at different pe- 
riods, from the earlieft times to the prefent. In 
this difficult difcuffioDj men, at once candid, and 
able, have fpoken a language, often contradi^lory 
to each other, and fometimes inconfiftent with 
their own premifes. 

The Lord Chief Juftice Hale, and Gregory King, 
in the feventeenth century, and Do6lor Campbell 
and Doctor Price, in the prefent times, maintained 
opinions directly the reverfe of each other, in re- 
fpe6!; to the queftion, Whether the people of this 
iiland have not gradually increafed, during every 
age, or fometimes diminiihed, amid public convul- 
iions, and private mifery ? The two firlt — the one 
a great m after of the rules of evidence ; and the 
other a ikilful calculator, have agreed in maintaining 
the affirmative of that queftion. Do6lor Campbell 
has laboured to Ihew, that the inhabitants of Ens:- 
land diminifhed, in their numbers, under the mifrule 
of feudal fovereigns. And Do6lor Price has equally 
contended, that the people have decreafed, fmce a 
happier government was introduced at the Revolu- 
tion^ and that they continue to decreafe. 

It is propofed to review, hiftorically, the fenti- 
ments of each, with delign rather to afcertain the 
authenticity of their fa61;s, than to eftablifh or over- 
turn, their feveral fyftems. The. candid inquirer 
' may 



THE PREFACE. Xttl 

may perhaps fee caufe for lamenting, in his pro- 
grefs, that the learned are fometimes too confident, 
and the unlettered always too credulous. And the 
fame inquirer will have an opportunity, as he ad- 
vances, of liftening to the fentiments of his anceftors, 
on various topics of legiflation, and of obferving the 
condition of different ranks of men, previous to the 
period, at which this estimate properly begins. 



THIS Eftimate was firit publifhed, in 1782. 
The public approbation has called, fucceflivel}^, for 
feveral editions. It has been tranflated, meanwhile, 
into the French, the Ruffian, and other foreign 
languages. It has furnifhed comfort to the people, 
at home, from that year, to the prel'ent : and, du- 
ring that long period, it has impreffed upon the 
minds of other nations high ideas of the opulence, 
and power, of Great Britain. It alfo fliewed to 
our writers, on political oeconomy, an example of 
how much importance it is to colle6l many docu- 
ments, and of tmfting more to the weight of fa6ls, 
than to the efficacy of words. 

It was this Eftimate, which difclofed to the Public, 
that, in every war, there is a point of depreffion, to 
which the fpring of trade may be thruft down, by the 
force of hoftilities ; and from which, it invariably 
rebounds, with auo;mented force. This confoHnoj 
difcovery was impugned, at the commencement of 

the 



xiv TUB PREFACE. 

the late war. It was not very difficult to prove 
tliat, what had always happened would again happen. 
Experience has now decided the certainty of that 
very comfortable truth for ever. At the epoch of 
that controverfj, the whole value of our exports 
was£. 20,390,180, in 1793 • ^^^ official value of 
our exports, gradually, rofe to ;f. 43, 152,019, in 
1 800. The experience of the prefent war, Zi'hick 
has been chiefly directed againfl commerce, has 
added demonftration to certainty : the firil effects of 
real hoftilities reduced the amount of our exports, 
from ^r. 46,120,962, in 1802, to ;£. 31,438,495^ in 
1 803 : Yet, owing to the energies of our traders, 
and the neceffities of the world, the official value 
of our exports, which had rifen, in 1808, to 
£.36,527,184, rofe, in 1809, to the unexampled 
amount of ;f. 50,301,763, which are equal, in real 
value to £. 63,000,000 fterling money. He muft be 
a fturdy controvertift, who can out-argue fuch a 
demonftration of a truth, which is at once inftru6livej 
and comfortable ! 

In this new edition, the Chronological Table has 
been continued down, by important additions, to the 
year 1810. Some corre6lions have been made, and 
an additional chapter has been added ; containing a 
full difcuffion of the various topicks, which, durmg 
recent times, have attracted notice, by their novelty, 
and bduced inquir}^, by their moment. 



During 



THEPREFACE. XV 

During the M^ar of 1756, Dr. Brakenridge pub- 
liihed degrading accounts of our population, which 
were tranlcribed into the foreign gazettes. His 
example was followed by Dr. Price, during the 
American war. Seeing fuch dodrines propagated, 
during two fucceffive wars, by eminent men, I 
thought I faw, in that coincidence, a fettled pur- 
pofe to enfeeble the nation, at critical periods, ia 
the eyes of foreigners. Dr. Price contended, with 
more confidence, than knowledge, that the popula- 
tion of England, and Wales, had declined, lince the 
Revolution, till it fcarcely amounted to 5,000,000 
of fouls. I maintained, that our numbers had 
greatly increafed, in that period ; and that the po- 
pulation of England, and Wales, in 1793, was 
8,447,200 Ibuls. The late enumeration has demon- 
firated, that there has been an increafe, lince the 
Revolution, of more than 2,840,000 people; and 
that the number of fouls, in England and Wales, 
during the year 1801, was more than 9,340,000. 
This enumeration, then, has buried the degrading 
do6trines of Dr. Price, in ever-during difcredit. 

The queftion, now, is not, which of the difputants 
were right ; but, which of them, on both thofe oc- 
cafions, maintained the truth. Experience, has, 
finally, decided thofe two national queftions. De- 
monftration will for ever denounce thofe ill-timed 
philofophers, who, as they delight, in dilTenting from 
public opinion, take a pleafure, ia frightening well- 
meaning 



XVI THE PREFACE. 

meaning people with groundlefs apprehenfions'. But, 
it doth not befeem, faith Knolles, this moft wealthy 
^ftate to be terrified, from that which is right, with any 



chai-ges of W' ar 



" The Britifh. Navy, through Ocean vafl, 
" Sliall wave her double Crofs t' extremeft diaies, 
' Terrifick." 



■»«k£2^SBi»=— -■■ 



THE TABLE 



TH K 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



CHAP. L 



General Ohfervations upon the Caufes, phyftcal^ and mo- 
ral, which influence Population^ in every Country. — 
The Populoujnejs, Commerce, and Pozver, of Eng- 
land, prior to the Demife of Edward IIL—The 
Number of People, 1 3 77. — Refle5fions, 

Page 1—15. 

CHAP. n. 

The Population in the principal Towns of England, 
during 1^17- — RefeBions, — The Populoufnefs, 
Commerce, Policy, and Power, of England, from 
that Epoch to the Acceffion of Elizabeth. 

Page 16 — 34, 



Xvm THE CONTENTS^ 



CHAP. III. 



The State of England, at the Acceffion of Elizabeth.-^ 
Her Laws. — 'the Numbers of People, during her 
Reign, — Her Strength. — The Policy, and Power of 
the two fubfequent Reigns. — The State of England^ 
at the Rejioration, — The Number of People, at the 
Revolution. — Refle5lions. - - - Page 35 — 59, 



CHAP. IV. 

Opinions, as to the Strength of Nations, — RefleSiions. — • 
The real Power of England, during King Williains 
Reign. — The State of the Nation. — The Lojfes cf 
her Trade, from King William^ s Wars. — Her Cam" 
merce revives. — Complaints of Decline, amidfi her 
Profperity. — Reflexions. - - - Page 60 — 8i% 



CHAP. V. 

The War of Ciueen Anne. — The Strength of the Na- 
tion. — The Lcjfes of Trade. — The Revival of 
Trade.' — Complaints of its Decline. ^ — The Laws of 
QMeen Anne, for promoting the Commercial Inter efts 
of the^ Nation. — The U7iion.^-RefeBiQns-, 

Page 82 — 96. 



TH E t O K T E N T S. XIX' 



CHAP. VI. 

Foreign Di/putes of George I. — The State of the Na- 
tion, — Ohfervations. The Progrefs of Commerce ; 
and Shipping.— Complaints of a Decline of Trade, ^-^ 
Jndujlry, and Tra-ffic, encouraged, — Remarks. 

Page 9 7— 109. 

CHAP. VII. 

The State of the Nation^ at the Acceffion of George II, 
— Remarks thereon, — -The hereof e of Trade, and 
Shipping.-^Complaints of their Decline.-— Reflect ions. 
— Our Strength, when War began in 1739. — ^^^ 
*J'rade, and Shipping, during the War.— The Profr-: 
perity of both, at the Rejioration of Peace. — Com- 
plaints of Decline, — Remarks, Page 1 1 — 125. 

CHAP. VIIL 

ji captious Peace produced a new War.-^The Re- 
fources of Britain. — Trade projpers amidft Hofli- 
lities, — Its Amount at the Peace of 1763. — Re- 
marks, - - - f. Page 126 — 133. 

CHAP. IX, 

The Commercial Failures, in 1763«" — Opinions, thereon,, 
-—The true State of the Nation,:— Objervations on 

b 2 the 



XX THE CONTENTS. 

the Peace <^ 1763. — Various Laws for promoting 
demeftic Improvements. — -SatisfaBory Proofs of our 
Commercial Prof-perity^ at the Epoch of the Colonial 
Revolt, — Yet^ were our Trade, and Shipping, popu- 
larly, reprefented as much on the Decline, 

Page 134—153. 



CHAP. X. 

The Colonial Revolt, — The State of the Nation, — Her 
Finances i Trade, and Shipping. — Her military 
Power. — The Lojfes of Trade from the War. — - 
The Revival of Trade on the Re-eflablifhrnent of 
Peace. — Remarks thereon. — -Financial Operations. 
• — The Sinking Fund eflahlifhed. — Its Jalutary Po- 
licy. ^ ^ - - Page 154—192, 



CHAP. XL 

^he Controverfy on the Populoufnefs of Britain 
revived. — ^he Parties. — A Review of their Pub- 
lications. — An Examination of the Argument — from 
Reafoning- -from Fa5ls — from Experience. — T^he 
augmented Populoufnefs of Ireland. — I^he Increafe 
of People in Scotland. — l!he general Rejult — as te 
England, - - - Page 193—233- 



^THE CONTEITTS. XXl 



CHAR XIL 



A Review of the foregoing Documents prepofed. — A 
Jupplemental Fr oof from a Chronological Table of 
Commerce. — A Comjnentary thereon. — Thejucceffive 
Epochs^ from i66o to \%\o.—The Tonnage of 
Shipping. — 'T^he value of exported Cargoes. — The 
Balance of 'Trade, — The nett Cufioms. — The 
Amount of the Coinage^ in that long Period. — The 
Conclufion of this Review^ which reflets a flatter- 
ing Frofpeti of our future Prcfperity. 

Page 234 — 268; 

CHAP. xm. 

The Profperity of Great Britain from 1783 to 1793. 
— The Caufes affigned. — The Eafi India Trade. — ■ 
The Fiflieries encouraged. — The New Navigation 
A£l. — Foreign Treaties.- — MiinufaEiories promoted, 
— Agriculture encouraged. — A thoufand Laws for 
local Improvements. — Revenue A5ls. ■ — Financial 
Operations. — Their falutary Conjequences. 

Page 269 — 282, 

CHAP. XI7. 

The Strength of Britain in 1793. — From her Pcpw 
hufnefs. — From her Trade. — From the Numbers of 
her Shipping, and Sailors. — From the Magnitude of 
the Royal Navy. — From her Revenue. — The Lcjfes 



ULU Tll;!^ CONTENTS,: 

of her 'Trade, — The Bankruptcies of 1793. — The 
Lapfe of the Bank of England. — Our vafi Com^ 
merce. — The Improvement of the Country. — The 
Corn Trade, — Finance Operations. — The Peace. — 
ItsEffe5is. -^ . - - Page 283— 346. 

CHAP. XY. 

^he Peace of Amiens had a very fhort 'Duration.— The 
War of 1803. — The Strength of the United King- 
dom, at this Epoch ; — from its Confolidation, by th& 
Union ; — from its Populoufnefs ; — from the Number 
ef its Fighting Men ; — from its Shippings and 
Sailors ; — from its Navy ; — from its permanent 
, E.evenue, and War Taxes. — Its domeftic Improve- 
ments. — Its Corn Trade.'— State of England. — State 
cf Scotland. — State of Ireland. — The Loffes of their 
Trade, from the War.— Their Circulation. — The 
Bank of England. — Exchanges. — The^ general Prof 
perity, amidji malignant HoJlilitieS;. Page 347, 



i\K 



ESTIMATE 



OF THE 



COMPARATIVE STRENGTH 



OF 



GREAT BRITAIN. 



1810. 



A M 

ESTIMATE 

OF THE 

COMPARATIVE STRENGTH 

OF 

GREAT-BRITAIN* 



CHAP. L 

Ueneral Ohfervations upon the Caufes, p/iyjica/, and 
moral, zvliick influence Popdation^ in every Coim- 
try. — I'he Popidotifiiefs^ Commerce, and Pozver, of 
England, prior to the Demife of Edward III, — The 
Num.ber of People, 1377 .^-^Refe5iions. 

OF theexifting numbers of Mankind, in fuccef- 
five ages of the v/orld, various writers have 
given diflimilar accounts ; becaufe they did not al- 
ways acknowledge the fame fads, nor often adopt 
the fame principles, in their moft ingenious difqui- 
fit ions. 

The Lord Chief Juftice Hale * formerly, and Sir 
James Stuart f, and the Count de Buffon, lately, 

* In his Prhniti've Origination of Mankind Considered. 
f In his Folitical economy, 

B confidered 



Z AN ES TI M AT E OF 

confidered men, as urged, like other animals^ by 
natural inftlnds ; as diredled, like them, by the 
fame motives of propagation ; and as fubiifted 
afterwards, or deftroyed, by fimilar meji;:is. 

It is inflincl:, then, which, according to thofe il- 
luftrious authors, is the caufe of procreation ; but' 
it is food, that keeps population full, and accumu- 
lates numbers^ The force of the firfb principle, we 
behold in the multitudes, whether of the fifh of the 
fea, the fowls of the air, or the beaits of the field, 
which are yearly produced : we perceive, however^ 
the elTential confequence of the laft, from the vafb 
numbers, that annually perifli for want. 

Experience, indeed, evinces, to what an immenfe 
extent domeftic animals may be multiplied, by pro- 
viding abundance of food. In the fame manner, 
mankind have been found to exifl:, and increafe, in 
every condition, and in every age, according to the 
ilandard of their fublifcence, and to the meafure of 
their comforts. 

Hence, Mr. Hume jufcly concludes ^, that if we 
would bring to fome determination the queftion^ 
concerning the populoufnefs of ancient, and mo- 
dern, tim.es, it will be requiilte to compare the 
iomcfdc and political fituations of the tvv^o periods,, 
in order to judge of the fads by their moral caufes ; 
becaufe, if every thing elfe be equal, it feems rea- 
fonable to exped, that where there are the wifeft 



* In his Effays, Vol. I. EfTay xi. On the Populoufnefs of 
Ancient Nations^ 

inftitu- 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 3 

Inftitutions, and the moll happinefs, there will aiib 
be the moft people. 

Let us run over the hlflory of England, then, 
with a view to thofe reafonings, and to this truth. 

Settled probably about a thoufand years before 
the birth of Chrift, England was found, on the 
arrival of J. C^efar, to contain ^ great multitude of 
people. But this oI?/erva?it atit/ior tr3.n{mitt(:d notices, 
with regard to the modes of life, which prevailed 
among thofe, whom he came to conquer, whence 
we may judge of their numbers, with greater cer- 
tainty, than from the accuracy of his language, or 
the weight of his authority. And he fubmits to 
our judgment fufficient data, when he informs us, 
that the inhabitants of the inland country fubfifhed, 
by feeding of flocks, while their neighbours along 
uie fhores of the ocean were maintained, by the 
more produ6live labours of agriculture. 

Having already arrived, feme of the tribes m 
the fecond, and others of them in the third ftsfge 
of fociety, in its progrefs to refinement, the Bri* 
tons were foon taught the arts of manufacture, and 
the purfuits of commerce, by their civilizing con- 
querors. A people, who annually employed eight 
hundred veiTels to export the furplus produce oF 
their huibandry, rnxuft have exerted great induflry, 
a^t home, and enjoyed fuiiicient plenty from it. Ro- 
man-Britain, of confequence, muft have become 
extremely populous, when compared with former 
times, during that long period, from the arrival of 
the Romans, ^^ years before the birth of Chrift, 
B 2 to 



4 AN fiSTIMATEor 

to the abdication of their government^ in 446 o± 
our a^ra*. 

From this eventj commenced a war of fix hun- 
dred years continuance, if we calculate, the fettle- 
•ment of tiie Saxons, the ravages of the Danes, 
and the conquefi of the Normans, A cOurfe of 
hollillties^ thus lengthened beyond examplcj and 
wafteful above deicription, changed completely 
the political condition of the people, by involving 
.them in ages of wretchednefs. It was to thofe 
■caufes owingy that the inhabitants became divided, 
at the epoch of T/h Conquefr, into live feveral 
■claffes.: the barons, the free tenants, the free foe- 
.Pagers, together with the villains, and the flaves, 
who form.ed the great body of the people 4-. 

A conlideration of the foregoing events, it pro- 

.bably was, with the wretched condition of every 

order of men, v^hich induced the Lord Chief 

..Juftice Hale, and Mr. Gregory King, to agree in 

alierting J, " that the people of England, at the 

J^ arrival of the Normans, might be fomevvhat 

'■' above izv9 million!^ And the notices of that 

mofl: inftruoiivc record, the Domefciay Book, ieem 

to juftify the conjectures of both, by exhibiting 

'.latisfadtory proofs of a very fcanty population, at 

* See Mr. Wliitaker's moll excellent Hlftory of Manchefler, 
Tol. i. which gives the befl account of the Briiifh and Roman- 
"Bridili period of car Annals. 

t Id. 
- % Origination of Mankind; and Davenant's Works. 

that 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 5 

tiiat memorable epoch, in the country, as well as in 
the towns*. 

The annals of England, from the epoch of the 
Conquefh to the date of the Great Charter [from- 
1066 to 1 21 5] are filled with revolutions in the 
government, and infurredtions of the people ^ with 
domefhic ravages, and foreign v^'ar ; with frequent 
famines, and their attendant pefliience. 

Doctor Campbel has enumerated f various cir- 
cumftances to demonftrate the unhappinefs of the 
nation, during thofe times, which w^ere equally fe- 
rocious, and unfettled ; and, by necelTary confe- 
quence, to fhow the conftant decline of their 
numbers. 

Few revolutions, faid he, even when atchieved 
by the mofh waftefuj conquerors, appear to have 
been attended with fo fudden a revolution, both 
of property and of power, as that which Wil- 
liam I- unhappily introduced into England. The 
conilitution, from being limited, and free, became 
at once arbitrary and fevere. While the ancient 

* In Mr. Whitaker's admirable Hiftor/ of Mancheder, 
vol. ii. p. 345 — 554, there is a very carious table of the rates, 
for moft of the neceffaries of life, both at home and abroad, 
in the feventh, eighth, tenth, and eleventh centuries : whereby 
it appears, that fuch necefTaries were much dearer formerly 
than at prefent; and that moft things were in thqfe ages much 
dearer at home than abroad. It is apparent, then, that though 
we are often impofed upon by the denominations of money, 
the great body of the people did not live fo comfortably in 
thofe good old times. 

f Political Survey, 2 vol. ch. iii, 

s 3 nobility 



6 AN ESTIMATE OF 

nobility feemed to be annihilated, the Saxon people 

were affuredly reduced to villainage. And tliofe 
revolts enfued fucceflively, which necelTarily arife, 
when a gallant people are defpifed, at the fame time 
that they are oppreifed. The Conqueror, urged 
partly by revenge, perhaps more by policy, was 
provoked, by the infurreclion of the northern 
counties, to prefcribe remedies, as fevere as they 
were barbarous. He fo effedually depopulated 
the extenlive country f?om the Hiimber to the TeeSy 
that it lay for years uncultivated, whereby multi- 
tudes periined for want. The pieafures of V/illiam 
too were as deftrudive to the people as his anger. 
In forming the New Foreit, he laid wafce an extent 
of thirty miles in Hampfhire, without regarding 
the cries of villagers, or the facrednefs of churches. 
And his gratitude to his fupporters, though at- 
tended with lefs violence, produced, in the end,, 
confequences ftill more fatal, with regard to the 
depopulation of England, than had refulted either 
from his refeatnient, or his fport. He diftributed 
the v/hole kingdom to about {t^tw hundred of his 
principal ofncers, v/ho afterwards divided among 
their followers the fpoils of the vanquiihed, on fuch 
precarious tenures, as fecured the fubmiilion of the 
lower orders, though not their happinefs. 

The Conqueror's meafures, thus harflily exe- 
cuted, continued to influence all ranks of men, long 
after the terrors of his government had • ceafed \ 
and v/hile they neither fecured the quiet, nor pro- 

jmot€4 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 7 

moted the plenty of the nation, his rigours proba- 
bly added very few to its nuiitbers. 

The great charter of John r^iade no alteration in 
public law, nor any innovatjon in private rights: 
and though it conferred additional iecurity on the 
free, it gave little freedom to the flave. Yet, the 
barbarous; licence both of kihgs, and nobles/being 
thenceforth fomewhat reftrained, government, fays 
Mr. Hume*-, approached by degrees nearer to that 
end, for which it was infhituted, the equal protec- 
tion of every order in the ftate. 

This general reafoning, however juft, did not 
impofe OQ the fagacity of Dr. Campbel, who 
minutely examined ^|* every circumllance, in our 
fubfequent annals, that tended either to retard, or 
promote, an effedlive population. He found no 
event in the long reign of Henry III. filled as it 
was with diffraction, proceeding from weaknefs, 
and with civil w^r, the refult of turbulence, which 
could have added one man to our numbers. 
Though hiftorians have celebrated the following 
reigns of our Edwards, as the mofl glorious in our 
annals; yet, he remarked, that, during a period, 
wherein there v/ere icarcely ten years of peace, the 
eclat of victories, the fplendour of triumphs, or 
the acquifition of diftant territories, did not com- 
penfate the lofs of inhabitants, v;ho continually de- 
creafed, from the wafle of foreign, and civil, Vv'ars, 

* In his Hiltory. 

f In bis Political Survey, 2 vol. ch. iii^ 

34 ' and 



o ANESTIMATEOP 

and from the debiiity of peililential diftemperSj^ 
arifing from a wretched hufbandry, as mAich as from 
a noxious ftatc of the atmofphere. It was a flirewd 
remark of Major Graunt *, when he was reflecting 
over " t/iejick/inefs, the healthfulnefs, andfrnitfulnefs^ 
" of feajonsy' that ''^ the morefiMy the years are^ the 
" Isjs fruitful of children they alfo be-\^^ 

The nril notice, which the Parliament feem to 
have taken of the paucity of inhabitants, may be 
{^tn in the Statute of Labourers^ that was enabled in 
1349. Tnis law recites — " That w^hereas a great 
part of the people, and efpecially of workmen and 
fervants, late died of the peftilence, many, feeing 
the neceiFity of mxafcers and great fcarcity of fer- 
vants, will not ferve, unlefs they receive exceffive 
wages, fome being rather willing to beg in idle- 
neis, than by labour to get their living :'' Confi-. 
dering, therefore, " the grievous incommodities 
which of the lack, efpecially of ploughmen and 
fuch labourers, may hereafter come," Edward III. 
with the afliftance of the p-elateSy the nobles, and 
the learned men, ordained a variety of regulations, 
v/hich were unjufi: in their theory^ and violent in 
their execution j. This edict of the King, and his 

council, 

* In his Obfervations on the Bills of Mortality, 1662. 

f There were no fewer than one-and-twenty dearths and 
fiwibics from 1069 to 1355. See a Collodion of the moil 
'remarkable -dearths and famines, publlfhed by Edward Howe, 
\xi 1631. 

;|; Thefe reguladons may be feen ip Cay's ColIe£lion of 
Statutes, vol. i. p. 261—3 ; and fufficiently prove to what a 

deplorabla 



TH2 STRENGTH OF €. BRITAIN. 9 

council, was enforced by the legiilature, in the fub- 
lequent year — *' on the petition ofihe commonalty, 
that the faid fervap' s, having n© regard to the faid 
ordinance, but to their eaie and fingalar covetifcj 
do withdraw to ferve great men and other, unlefi 
they have wages and living to the double and treble of 
that they were zvont to take the twentieth year -of tht 
king that nozv is!^ 

Yet, after adjufting mmutely the prices of la- 
bour, of natural products, and even of manufac- 
tures, the flatute of the 23d Edward III. direded, 
^' that the artificers fhould be fworn to ufe their 
crafts as they did in the twentieth year of the fame 
king*'* [1346], under the penalty of imprifon- 
ment, at the difcretion of the Juftices. The Par- 
liament bufied thetnfelves, year after year, in re- 
gulating labour, which had beeu defrauded of its 

deplorable flate of ilavcry the colledive mafs of the people ^as 
then reduced. " Every able-bodied perfon under fiiccy ye;trs 
of age^ not having fufiicient to live on, being required, fhall 
be bound to ferve him that doth require him, or elfe iliall be 
committed to gaol^ till he finds fecurity to {q'^v^. If a fervant, 
or workman, depart from ftjrvice before the time agreed upon, 
he fliall be imprifoned. If any artificer take more wag^s than 
were wont to be prJd, he ihall be committed to gaot-" The 
feverity of thefe penalties was foon greatly increafed by the 
34.th Edward III. which direfls, *' That if any labourer or 
fervant flee to any town, the chief oflicer fhall deliver him up: 
and if they depart to another county, they fhall be burnt in 
the forehead with the letter F." Thus, fays Anderfon, they 
lived, till manufadures drove flavery away. 

Chron. Ac, pf Com. v. i, p. 204c 
^ Chap, i-^"]:, 

• juft 



20 ANESTIMATEOF 

jud reward, by confiderable defalcations from the 
coin*. During an admlnifcratlon lefs adive, and 
vigorous, and refpected, than Edward's, fuch regu- 
lations had produced tumult, and revolt. Scarcely 
indeed v/as that great monarch laid in his grave, 
v/hen the confirmation of the fame ftatutes, by his 
feeble fucceffor, gave rife to the memorable rebel- 
lion of Tyler and Straw, v^hich was fo defliruftive in 
its immediate eifedls,yet proved fo benelicial in its 
ultimate confequences 1 The common [/cople ac- 
quired implied Hberty from infurredion, wh^le the 
Parliament were enaciing ^^'- that forced manumijjiom 
Jhould he confidered as void''' And fuch are the re- 
volutions, which infenfibly take place, during ages 
of darknefs, before the eyes of chroniclers, who 
are carried away by the found of words, without 
regarding the efficacy of things. 

The declamatory recitals oi fuch flatutes ought 
generally to be regarded as flight proofs of the 
authenticity of fads, unlefs where they are fup- 
ported, by collateral circumftances. From the re- 
iterated debafem^ent of the coin, which proceeded 
from the expenfive wars of Edward III. we might 
be apt to infer, that the recited deftrudion o{ the 

*'From the value of the pound, or twenty {hillings in pi*e^ 
fent money, as eilabliihed by Edward I. in 1300, there were 
dedufted by Edward III. in the iSth of his reign, j^s. 1 1 ^. I, 
and in the 20th of his reign, gdA, more; fo that there had 
been taken no lefs than five (hillings and nine pence from the 
ilandard pound, as fettled in 1300, of ^. 2. 17 j. 5 d. 

Harris on Coins, part ii. ch. i. 
f By the 5 th Richard IL 

peftilence 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 2 1 

pellilence was merely a pretence to palliate mo- 
tives of avarice, or tojuilify the rigours of oppref- 

On the other hand, Dodcr Mead aiTures us, 
that the greateft mortaHty, which has happened in 
later ages, was about the middle of the four- 
teenth century ; when the plague that feized Eng- 
land, Scotland, an4 Ireland, in 1349, is [aid to 
have difpeopled the earth of more than half of its 
inhabitants^. The Comm.ons petitioned, during 
the Parliament -f of 1364, that, in confideration 
of the preceding peftilence, the King would allow 
perfons, who held lands of him in chief, to let 
leafes without a licence, as had been lately prac • 
ti fed, till the towitry were become more popolous. 
From the 23d of Edward I. when the cities and 
boroughs are faid to have been firft formally fum- 
moned to Parliament, to the demile of Edward IV^, 
the flierifFs often returned, T^hat there zvere no 
cities^ or boroughs, in their counties^ zv hence reprefenta- 
tdfues could he fent. This form of expreffion Doc- 
tor Brady :|; has very juftly explained to mean. 
That the towns were fo depopulated and poor, 
as to be unable to pay the accuftomed expences 
of delegates. The truth of that reprefentation, 
and of this commentary, feems to be confirmed by 

* Djfcourfe concerning Peil. Contag. p. 24—5. 
f Cott. Abt. of Records, p. 97, 
I Of Boroughs, p. 125, &c. 

a law 



12 AN ESTIMATE OF 

a law of rienry VIL* ; which recites. That where,' 
m fome towns, two. hundred pcribns hved by their 
lawful labours, now they are occupied by two or 
three berdfmen, and the refidue fall into idlenefs. 
And, from the foregoing fads we may furely infer, 
that there mufc have been a great paucity of peo- 
ple in England, during thQ{e good old times ^ ac leaft 
towards the conclufion of the celebrated reign of 
Edward III. 

From incontrovertible evidence w^e can now 
efiiabiilb the whole number of inhabitants, at that 
epoch, with fufficient exaclnefs to anfwer all the 
praclical purpofes of the ftatefman, and even to 
fatisfy all the fcrupulous doubts of the fceptic. A 
poll-tax of four-pence, having been impofed by the 
Parliament of the 51ft of Edward III. (1377} ^^ 
every lay perfon, as well male as female, oi fourteen 
years and upwards, real mendicants only excepted, 
there remains an official return of the perfons who 
paid the tax, in each county, city, and town, which 
lias been happily preferved >f . And, from this 

fubfidy- 



* 4tli Plenry VII. ch. 19; which is publlflied in the Ap- 
pendix to Pickering's Statutes, vol. xxiii. 

f This record, fo inftraftive as to the f^ate of England at 
the demife of Edsvard III. was laid before the Antiquary So- 
ciety, in December 1 784, by the late Mr. Topham of the Pape^- 
Office; a gentleman, whofe curious refearch, with regard to 
the jurifpjudcnce, and hifioiy of his country, as well as com- 
municative difpofition, merits the greatell praife. Mr. Top- 
liam cbfervcd, th,at the fv;m coIJeded, in confequence of the 

fubfidy 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 1^ 

fubfidy-roll it appears, that tlie- lay perrons, who 
paid the before-mentioned poll-tax, amounted 
to - - ■ - - - - 1,367,239. 
When we have afcertained what proportion the 
perfons paying bore to the zvhole, we (hail be able 
to form a fufficient eftimate of. the total popula- 
tion. It appears from the table formed by Doc- 
tor Hallcy, according to the Breilaw births and 
burials ; from the Northampton Table ; irom the 
Norwich Table; and from the London Table^ 
conftruded by Mr. Simpfon ; as thefe Tables arc 
publifhed by Dodor Price* ; That the perlcns at 
any time living under fourteen years of age are; a 
good deal fewer than one-third of the co-exifting 
lives. And the lay perfons, who paid the tax in 
1377, mu:(l confequently have been a good deal 
more than two-thirds of the whole. 

But, fmce there may have been omif- 

iions of the perfons paying - - 1,367,239 
add a half - - - - - 683,619 



2,050,858 

fubfidy of 1377, being /*. 22^607. 2;. 8i. contained only 
1,356,428 groats, which ought to have been the amount of 
thofe, who were fourteen years of age and upwards. But I 
have chofen to flate the number of perfons^ who are mentioned 
in the roll a^ having paid, in each county and town, amount- 
ing to f,36-,239, though the total miftakingly added on the 
record is 1,376,^42. 

* Obferv. on Reverf. Payments, vol. ii. p. 35 — 6, 39—40. 

Add 



14 AWES TIMATE OF 

Brought over - 2,050,858 
Add the nuraber of beneficed clergy 

paying the tax - - - 15,229 

And the non-beneficed clergy - '^3^93^ 

2^080,019 
But Wales, not being included in this 
roll, is placed on a footing with 
Yorkfiiire*, at - - - 196,560 

Chefbire, and Durham, having had 
their own receivers, do not appear 
on the roll ; the firft is ranked with 
Cornwall, at - - - - 5^>4^^ 
The fecond with Northumberland, at 25,213 



The v/hole people of England and) 

Wales - - . -]^'353.-3 



^ From Davenant's Table (in his Effay on V/ays and 
Means, p. yS.) it appears, that Wales paid a much fmaller 
iura to the poll-tax of the ill of William and Mary, to the 
quarterly poll, and indeed to every other tax, and contained 
a much lower number of houl'es, according to the hearth-books 
of Lady-day 1690, than Yorkihire. It was giving a very large 
allowance to Wales, when this country was placed on an equality 
with Yorkihire, which paid, in 1377, for 131,040 lay perfons, 
Tl^ population of Chefhire, and Durham, was fettled upon 
fimilar principles ; and is equally Hated in the text at a me- 
dium rather too high. So that, as far as we can credit thi* 
authentic record, in refped to the whole number of lay per- 
fons upwards of fourteen years of age, we muft believe, that 
this kingdom contained at the demife of Edward III. about 
TWO MILLIONS, three hundred and fifty-three thoufand fouls ; 
making a reafonable allowance for the ufual omiffions of tax- 
able perfons. 

4 vVCs 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I^ 

We can now build upon a rock; having before us 
proofs, which are almofi' equal in certainty to adtual 
enumerations. Yet, what a picture of public mifruie. 
and private mifery, does the foregoing fliatement 
difplay, during an unhappy period of three hun- 
dred years ! We here behold the powerful ope- 
ration of thofe caufes of depopulation, which Doc- 
tor Campbell collected, in order to fupport his hy- 
pothciis of a decreafing population, m feudal times. 
But, were we to admit, that one half of the people 
had been carried off by the defolating plague of 
1349, as Dofcor Mead fuppofes ; or even one- 
third, as Mr. Hume reprefents with greater pro- 
bability ; we fliould find abundant reafon to ad- 
mire the folidity of Lord Hale's argum.ent, in 
favour of a progreinve population ; becaufe this 
circumftance would alone evince, that there had 
been, in that long effluxion of time, a confiderable 
increafe of numbers, during various years of 
healthinefs, and in different ages of tranquility. 



I^ AN ESTIMATE- 0# 



CHAP. IL 

fliz Population in the principal Towns of England^ 
during 1377- B.efleBions. The PopidoufnefSf 
Commerce^ Policy.^ and Power of England^ from 
that Epoch to the AcceJJion of Elizabeth, 

THE truth of Lord Hale's coiiclurion, with 
regard to a progrefiive increafe of people, 
would appear dill more evident, if we were to 
form a comparifon between the notices of Domef- 
day Book, and the ftatements of the Subfidy-roll 
before-mentioned^ which would (liow a much 
inferior populoufnefs, foon after the Conquefty m 
1077, than at the demife of Edward, in 1377. 

We iliaH certainly find additional proofs, and per- 
haps fome amufernent, from taking a view of the 
population of our principal towns, as they were 
founds and are reprefented, by the tax gatherers, in 

^377- 

London paid for ~ 23,314 lay perfons; and 
contained confequently about - 34597^ fouls, 
York, for - - 7,248 - - 10,872 
Briftoi, for - - 6,345 - - 9,517 

Plymouth, for - - 4,837 - - 7,255 
Coventry; for - - 4,817 - - 7,225 

Norwich, 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I7 

Kforwich,* for - ■■ 3^95^ - 55928 

Lincoln, for - " 3,412 - 5?iiS 

Sarum, (Wilts) for - 3,226 - 4,839 

Lynn, for ^ _ ^ 35I27 - 4,690 

Colchefter, for ^ - 2,955 " 4^43^ 

Beverley, for - - 2,663 - 3,994 

Newcaftle on Tyne, for 2,647 - 3?97o 

Canterbury, for - - 2,574 - 3,861 

St. Edmonlbury, for - 2,442 - 3,663 

Oxford, for - - - 2,357 - ^,^35 

Gloceiler, for - - 2,239 - 3^35^ 

Leicefter, for - - 2,101 - 3»i5i 

Salop, for • ^ 2,082 - 3,123 



The foregoing, are the only towns, which, in 
1377, paid the poll-tax of a groat, for more than two 
thoufand lay perfons, of fourteen years of age, and 
upwards. And their inconfiderablenefs exhibits a 
marvellous depopulation, in the country, and a la- 
mentable want of manufa6lure?, and of commerce^ 
every where, in England. The flate of Scotland 
was fiill more wretched, with regard to all thefe, 
Domefday Book reprefents our cities to have been 
little fuperior to villages, at the Conqueil f , and 

* Dr. Price talked of Norwich having been a great city 
formerly. The Domeiaay Book fhews fufficiently the diminu- 
tivenefs of our towns in 1077 : and Mr. Topham's Subiidy 
Roil puts an end to conjeilure, with regard to the populoufnefs 
of any of them, anterior to 1 377, 

f See Brady on Boroughs. 

C much 



1 8 A ^r EST I MATE OF 

much more inconfiderable, than they certainly were^ 
at th.e demife of Edward III. 

The informations'of contemporary writers, would, 
nevertheless, lead us to confider thofe early reigns, 
as times of overflowing popuioufnefs. Amidfb all 
that depopulation, Edward III. is faid to have fud- 
denly colieded, in 1360, a hundred thoufand men, 
whom he tranfported, in eleven hundred vefiels, to 
France*. It did not, however, efcape the fagacity 
of Mr. Hume, when he refiedted on the high pay 
of the foldiers, that the numerous armies, which 
are mentioned by the hiilorians of thofe da).''s, con- 
frded chiefly of ragamuffins, who followed the 
camp for plunder. In 1382, the rebels, fays Da- 
niel -i~j fuddenly marched towards London, under 
Wat. Tyler, and Jack Straw, and muftered on 
Blackheath. fixty thoufand ftrong, or, as others fay, 
an hundred thoufand. In 1415, Henry V. in- 
vaded France v/ith a fleet of fixttQn hundred fail J, 
and fifty thoufand combatants, who, not Jong^after, 
won the glorious battle of Azincourt. Our hiftory 
IS fjiled with fuch inftances of vail armies, v.'hich 
had been haftiiy levied for temporary enterprizes r 
yet, we ought not thence to infer, that the country 
w^as overifocked v^^ith -inhabitants. This truth is 
extremely apparent, from the ftatute of the 9th 
Henry V. v/hich recites, "That whereas, at the 

* Ander. Ciircn. Ac. of Com. v. i. p. 191. 
f Hiftory of Richard, in Kennetj p. 245. 
X And. Chron. Ac. of CQm« v. i. p. 245. 

*^ making; 



THE STJIENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 1 9 

"^^ making of the ad: of the 14th of Edward III, 
*^' (1340) there were fufticlent of proper men, 
" in each county, to execute every office; but that, 
" owing to pcililence, and wars, there are not now 
*^ (1421) a fuiiiciency of refponfible perfons to 
'^ act as fiieriffs, coroners, and efcheators,'' The 
laurels, which were gained by Henry V. are w^eli 
known, fays the learned obferver on the ancient 
ftatutes ; but he hath left us, in the preamble of 
one of his ftatutes, mod irrefragable proof, that 
they were not obtained, but at the deareil price, 
t/ie depopulation of the country. 

The facility, with which great bodies of m.en 
were collected, in thofe early ages, exhibits, then, 
^ for our inftrudiion^ a pi<5lure of manners, idle, and 
licentious; and (hews only, for our comfort, that 
the m.oft numerous claffes of mankind exifted in a 
condition, which is not to be envied by thcfe, who^, 
in better times, enjoy either health, or eafe. 

The period from the acceilion of Henry IV. ht 
1399, to the proclamation of Henry VIL in 1485, 
may be regarded as the moft difaflrous, in our latter 
annals; bccaufe, a civil v^^ar, remarkable for the 
inveteracy of the leaders, and for the wafte of the 
people, began with the one event, and ended with 
the other. Dodor Campbel has colleded the va- 
rioiis circumfiances of depopulation ; tending to prove, 
that the number of inhabitants, which, before the 
bloody contefts between the Lancaftrians and 
Yorkifts began, had been already much leffened, 
was in the end greatly reduced, by a ieries of the 

G 2 mod 



%0 A N E S T y M A T £ O f' 

moft deftrudtlve calamities. The monuments of 
more fettled times were dem.olijGied ; the coun- 
try was laid waile ; cities funk into towns, while 
t6wns dwindled into villages : and univerfal defo- 
lation is faid to have enf.ed. Nor, was the condi- 
tion of the country much meliorated, by the re- 
eilablifnment of domeftic quiet. If, indeed, we 
could implicitly credit the recitals of the laws of 
Henry Yii. v/e fliould find fufficient evidence, 
" That great deiblations dally do increafe, by pull- 
^* ing down, and v/ilful wafhe cf houfes, and towns, 
*^ and by layirjg to pafture lands, which cuftomably 
*' have been ufed in tillage.'* 

An important change had certainly taken place, 
Aiean while, in the condition af the great body of 
tht people, which fortunately promoted their hap- 
pinefs ', and which confequently proved favourable 
to the propagation of the fpecies. 

There exiiled in England^ at the Conqueft, no 
free hands ^ ^i freemen, who worked for wages > 
fmce the fcanty labour of times, warlike and unin- 
duftrious, was wholly performed by villains, or by 
ilavcf. The latter, Vviio compofed a very nume- 
rous clafs, equally formed an objed: af foreign 
trade, for ag-^s after the arrival of the Conqueror, 
who only prohibited the fale of them to infidels*. 
J3ut the flaves had happily departed from the land, 
before the reign of Henry III. This we may in- 
fer from the law declaring, in 1225, ''How men 

* Dr. Henry's HiHory of Great Britain, vol. il. p, 479— -80. 

''of 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 11 

^^ of all forts fiall he amerced^'"', and it only 
mentions villains, freemen, (though probably not 
in the modern fenfe,) merchants, barons, earls, and 
men of the church. Another order of m.en is al- 
luded to, rather than mentioned, during the fame 
feflion ; whom we fliall find, in after tim.es, riiing 
to great importance, from their numbers, and opu- 
lence. And a woollen manu failure, having al- 
ready increafed to that ftage of it, when frauds 
begin, was regulated by the ad f , which required, 
" 'There flmll be hut one meafure, throughoiit ths 
'^ realm.'' 

Yet, this manufadlure continued inconfiderable, 
during the warlike reign of Edward L and the 
turbulent adminiftration of his immediate fuccef- 
for, if we may judge, from the vafl exportation 5 of 
wool. 

The year 133 1 marks the firil arrival of Wal- 
loon manufadurers, v/hen Edward III. wifely de- 
termined to invite foreigners into England J, to 
inflrud his fubjedls in the ufeful arts. As early 
as the Parliament of 1337, ^^ ^^^ enafted. That 
no wool fiiould be exported ; that no one fliould 
wear any but Englidi cloth ; that no clothes made 
beyond feas fhould be imported; that foreign 
clothworkers might come into the king's domi^ 
nions, and fhould have fuch franchifes jas might 

* 9 Henry III. cli. 14. 
■f 9 Henry HI. ch. 25. 
% And. Chron. Ac, of Com. v. i. p. 162, 

c 3 fufficc 



^t ANESTlMATEOf 

fuiiice them. This may be confidered as one of 
the firft ftatutes, which gave commercial efficacy 
to the mercantile fyftem. 

Before this time, fays De Wit*, when the tu- 
mults of the manufadurers in Flanders, obliged 
them^ to feek llieiter in other countries, the Englifli 
were little more than iliepherds and wool-fellers. 
From this epoch, m.anufadures became often the 
objeds of legiflation ; and the fpirit of induilry will 
be found to have promoted greatly the llate of 
population, and to have augmented confiderably 
the opulence of all ranks of men. 

The flatiites of labourers of 1349 and 1350 
demonflirate, that a confiderable change had taken 
place in the condition and purfuits of the mod 
numerous claffes. During feveral reigns, after 
the Conquefi, men laboured, becaufe they -were 
Haves. For fome years, before thefe regulations^ of 
the price of work, men v/ere engaged to labour, 
from a (trie of their own freedom, and of their 
own wants. It was the (latutes of labourers f, 
which, adding the compuliion of law to the calls 
of necefiity, created oppreffion for ages, while they 
ought to have given relief. It is extremely difficult 
to afcertain the time, when villainage ceafed in Eng- 

* latereft of Holland. 

f See the lath Richard II. ch. 3, 4, 5, 6, 9. By thefe, 
no artificer, labourer, fervant, or viftualier, fhali depart from 
one hundred to another, without licence under the king's feal, 
Thefe laws, fays Anderfon, are fufficient proofs of the flavifh 
condition of the common fervantS;, in thofe times (1388). 

lands 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 23 

land, or even to trace its decline. The Edwards, 
during the prelTure of their foreign conquefls, 
certainly manumitted many of their villains for 
money. Owing to the previous fewnefs of inha- 
bitants, the numerous armies, which for almoft a 
century defolated the nation, amidfl; our civil wars, 
mud have been neceirarily compofed of the lower 
ranks : and we may reafonably fuppofe, that the 
men, who had beer^ brought from the drudgeries 
of flavery, to contend as foidiers,for the honour of 
nobles, and the rights of kings, would not readily 
rehnquilh the honourable fword, for the meaner 
ploughfliare. The church, even in tiie darkeft 
ages, laudably remonftrated againff the unchriftian 
practice of holding fellow men in bondage. The 
courts of juftice did not wdilingly enforce the 
mafter's claim to the fervitude of his villains, till, 
in the progrefs of knowledge, intereft difcovered, 
that the purchafed labour of freemen was more 
produdive, than the lifhlefs, and ignoble toil of 
Haves. Owing to thofe caufes, there were cer- 
tainly few villains in England, at the acceffion of 
Henry VIL* ; and the great body of the people, 
having thus gained greater freedom, and with it 
greater comfort, henceforth acquired the nume- 

* The ftatate of 23 Henry VI. chap. 12. mentions only 
fervants, artificers, work'iicn, and labourers ; and there is a 
diftinftion made between hufbandry fervants, and domeftic 
fervants. Yet villains are fpoken of, even in our courts of 
juftjce, though feldom, as late as the time of James I, 

C 4 rous 



24 AN ESTIMATE OF 

rous blefiings, which every where refult from aa 
orderly adminiilration of eftahlifiied government. 

During almofl: a century, before the acceflion of 
Henry VIL in 1485, the manufadlurers of wool^ 
v/ith their attendant artificers, had fixed the feats of 
their induftry, in every county, in Er^gland. ^The 
principle of the ad: of navigation had been intro- 
duced into our legiflation, as early as 1*381,. by 
the law declaring*, " That noi^ie pf the king's 
^* fubjefts fiiall carry forth, or bring in, merchan- 
^' dizes, but only in (liips of the king's allegiance." 
The fillieries too had been encouraged f. Agri- 
culture had been moreover promoted, by the law, 
which declared J, '" That all the king's fubjecfts 
" may carry corn out of the realm, when they 
*' will." And giiildsy fraternities, and Qther compa*, 
nies., having, foon after their creation, imppfcd mo- 
nopolizing reftraints, were correfted by a law of 
Henry VI. §; though our legiflators were not very 
fleady, daring an unenlightened age, in the appli- 
cation of fo wii'e a policy. 

In reading the laws of Edward IV. we think 
purfeives in modern times, when the fpirit of the 
mercantile fyftem w^as in its full vigour, before it 
had been fo perfpicuouily explained, and fo ably 

* 5 Richard IT. ch. 3. — 6 Richard, ch. 8. 
f By 6 Richard 11. ch, ii, 12. 
i 17 Richard II. ch. 7. 
I 15 Hen. VI. ch. 6. 

e^'ploded. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 2^ 

exploded *. It is, however, in the laws f of Hi- 
chard III. that we fee more clearly the commercial 
ftate of England, daring the long period, wherein 
the Englifh people were unhappily too much en- 
gaged in kin^-making. In thofe inauipicious times, 
was the trad-.' of England chieily carried on by Ita- 
lians, at lead by merchants, from the fliores of the 
Mediterranean. The manufadiurers were com- 
pofed moftly of Flemings, who, under the encou- 
ragement of Edward III. had fled from the diftrac^ 
tions of the Netherlands, for repofe, and employ- 
ment in England. And, the preamble of one of 
Richard's laws 'j., will farniih a convincing proof, 
that their numbers had given great difcontent to 
the Englifh people : " Moreover, a great number 
^' of artificers, and other Grangers, not born under 
" the king's obelfance, do daily refort to London, 
*^ and to other cities, boroughs, and towns, and 
*^ much more than they were v;ont to do in times 
*' paft, and inhabit by themfelves in this realm, 
*' with their wives, children, and houfehold ; and 
" will not take upon them any laborious occupa- 
*' tipn, as going to plough, and cart, and other like 
*^ bufinefs, but ufe the majking of cloth, and other 
^> handicrafts, and eafy Qccupations ; and bring fronx; 

* By Dr. Smith's EiTay on the Wealth of Nations. 

f 1 Richard llf. ch. 6, 8,9, 11, 12, 13. 

X I Richard III. ch. 9. But Henry VII. upon the fuppli- 
cation of the Italian 77ierchants^ repealed the greater part of this 
la-vv, which impofed reftraints on aliens ; yet retained the for- 
feitures incurred^ in the true fpirit of his avaricious govern- 
ment. 



^S AN -^.S TIM ATE OF 

'^ the parts beyond the lea, great iubftance of wares 
" and merchandizes, to fairs and markets^ and other 
" places, at their pieafure, to the impoverilliaient 
" of the king's fubje(!^s ; and will only take into 
" their fervice, people born in their own countries ; 
** whereby the king's fiibjecPcs, for lack of occupa- 
" lion, fall into idlenefs and vicious hving, to the 
*^ great perturbance of the realm." — All this was 
direded otherwife by Henry VII. though probably 
without much fuccefs, '' upon the petition made of 
" the Commons of England.'* In the prefent 
times, it is, perhaps, the wifeil: polic}^, nek key lo en^- 
courage foreigners to come^ not to drive them away. 

When manufacturers have been thoroughly fet- 
tled, nothing more is wanting to promote the 
wealth, and populoufnefs of a country, from their 
labour, than the protedion of their property, and 
freedom, by the impartial adminiftration of juf- 
tice ; while their frauds are repreifed, and their 
combinations prevented;, by doing equal right to 
every order in the ftate. 

The policy of Henry VII. has been praifed by 
hiftorians, fully equal to its worth. Anderfon re- 
lates *, that this prince, " finding the woollen ma- 
5' nufadures declining, drew over fome of the befl 
^* Netherland clothmakers, as Edward III. had 
*^ done, 150 years before." This is probably faid 
without authority ; fmce the law of the preceding 
reign, concurring with the temper of the times, did 

* Chron. Ace. of Com. v. i. p. 306. 

not 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 27 

not permit the eafy execution of (o unpopular a 
meafure. Henry VIL like his two immediate 
predeceffors, turned the attention of the Parlia- 
ment to agriculture, and manufadure^ to commerce^, 
and navigation ; becaufe he found the current of 
the national fpirit already running toward all thefe 
falutary objefts : hence, fays Lord Bacon *, it was 
no hard matter to difpofe and affe(ft the Parliament 
in this buhnefs. And the legiflature enafted a 
variety of laws, which that illuftrious hifcorian ex- 
plains, with his ufuai perfpicuityf ; all tending, 
fays he, in their wife policy, tozvards the population^ 
apparently^ and the military forces of the reahn^ cer- 
tainly. 

That monarch's meafures^ for breaking the op- 
preffive power of the nobles ; for facilitating the 
alienation of lands ; for keeping within reafonahle 
hounds the bye-laws of corporations ; and, above all, 
for fuppreffing the numerous bodies of men, who 
were then retained in the fervice of the great ; all 
thefe deferve the highefc comm^endation ; becaufe 
they were attended with effcds, as lafting as they 
were efficacious. 

It may be, however, doubted, whether his pid- 
dling huibandry of petty farms, which has been 
oftentatioufly praifed by Dodor Price, can pro^ 
duce a fufficiency of food, for a manufacturing 
country, or even prevent th^ too frequent returns 

♦Hiiiory of Henry VIL 

f Hiflory in Kennet, v. i, p, 504.-^7. 

of 



28 ANESTIMATEOF 

of famiile. Agriculture muft be pradifed, as a 
trade, before It can fupply fuperabundance. Cer- 
tain it is *, that till the reign of Hcx^r^r VIII. we 
had in England no carrots, turnips, cabbaoes, nor 
fallads ; and few of the fruits, which at prefent or- 
nament ouF gardens, and exhilarate our tables. 

The fpirit of improvement, however, which had 
taken deep root, before the acceflion of Henry 
VIIL continued to fend forth vigorous fn oots, 
during his reign. This we might infer from the 
frequent proclamations, againft the pradlice of in- 
cloiing, which v/as faid to create a decay of hiif' 
handry. On the other hand, a fliatute was enabled, 
to enforce the fowing of flax-feed, and hemp. The 
nation is reprefented to have been over-run by foreign 
manifadurers, whofe iuperior diligence, and oeco- 
nomy, occafioned popular tumults. . While the 
kingdom was gradually filling with people, it was 
tl\Q. yearly practice to grant money to repair towns, 
which were fuppofed to be falling into ruins. Yet, 
the numerous laws, that v/ere enabled by the Par- 
liariients of Henry VIIL for the paving of ftreets, 
in various cities and villages, prove, how much in^ 
dufcry had gained ground of idlenefs ; how much 
opulence began to prevail over penury ; and how 
far a defire of comfort had fucceeded to the Ian- 
gours of floth. Thus much might indeed be dif- 
covercd, from the numerous laws, which were, 
during this period, paiTed, for giving a monopoly of 

* And, Chron. Com. v. i. p. 358. 

manufadure 



THE STRENGTH OF C. BRITAIN. 1() 

manufa<5lure to different towns ; and which prove, 
that a great adivity prevailed, by the frequent de- 
fire of felfifli enjoyment, contrary to the real iiite- 
refl of the tradefmen tlierrifelves. 

The ftatute, however, which limited the intereil 
of money to \o per cent, demonftrates, that mucli 
r^ady money had not yet been brought into the 
coffers of lenders ; while a o-reat number of bor- 
rowers defired to augment their wealth, by em- 
ploying the money of others, in the operations of 
trade. The kings of England, both before and 
after this epoch, borrow^ed large fums in Genoa, 
and the Netherlands. A parliam.entary debate, of 
the year 1523, exhibits a lively pid:ure of the opi- 
nions, that were at this time entertained, as to cir- 
culation, which, in modern times, has fo great an 
efFecfl on the ftrength of nations. A fupply of 
eight hundred thoufand pounds being a&ed by- 
Cardinal Wolfey, for the French war, Sir Tho- 
mas More, the Speaker of the Commons, endea- 
voured to convince the Houfe, I'kat it was not much, 
on this occafion, to pay four JJdllings in the pound. 
But to this the Commons objeded. That, though 
true it w^as, fome perfons were well monied, yet, 
in general, the fifth part of mens' goods was not 
Jn plate or money, but in flock or cattle 5 and that 
to pay away all their coin would alter the whole 
intercourfe of things, and there would be a flop 
in all trafHck ; and confequently the (hipping of 
the kingdom would decay. To this grave objec- 
tion, it v/as, however^ gravely anfvvered. That the 

money 



^O AN ESTIMATE OF 

money ought not to be accounted as loft, or taken 
away, but only as transferred into other hands of 
their kindred or nation; fo that no, more was 
about to be done than we fee ordinarily in mar- 
kets, where, though the money change mafters, 
yet every one is accommodated. Nor need you 
fear this fcarcenefs of money ; the intercourfe of 
things being fo eftablifhed, throughout the world, 
t/iat there is a -perpetual circulation of all that can be 
nccejfary to tnankind. Thus your commodities will 
€ver find out money ; while our own m.erchants 
will be as glad of your corn and cattle, as you can 
be of any thing they can bring you*. 

Such is the argument of Sir Thomas More ; 
who has thus left a proof to pofcerity, of how 
much he knew, with regard to miodern ceconomy, 
witFiout the aid of modern experience. No one at 
prefent can more cleaily explain the marvellous 
accommodation of money, when quickly palTed 
from hand to hand, or the great facility in railing 
public fupplies, when every one can eafily con- 
vert his property, either fixed or moveable, into 
the metals, which are the commodious meafure 
of all things. And this is circulation^ of which we 
fnall hear fo much in later times ; and which creates 
fo momentous a ftrength, when it exifcs in full 
vigour ; yet leaves^ when it difappears, fo great a 
debility. 

* Lord Herbert's Hulory of Kenry VIII. in Eennet, y. ii.. 

But 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 31 

But the fuppreilion of monaileries, and the re- 
formation of religion, are the meamres of Henry 
VIIl/s reign, which were attended with confe- 
quences the moft happy, and the mofl lafhing. 
Fifty thoufand perfons are faid to have been main- 
tained, in the convents of England, and Wales, v/ho 
were thus forced into the adlive employments of 
life. And a hundred and fifty thoufand perfons 
are equally fuppofed to have been reflrained from 
marriage *, which can alone produce elfedlive 
population. 

While the numbers of our people were thus 
augmented from various fources, Edward VI. is 
laid to have brought over, in i ^^^y many thoufands 
of foreign manufadiurers, who greatly improved 
our own fabricks, of various kinds. Yet, they 
were not invited into a country, where the lower 
orders were even then very free, or very happy. 
The a6l "•J- for the pinlftiment of- vagabonds^ and the 
relief of the poor, recites, '^ Forafmuch as idlenefs 
**^.and vagabondrie is the mother of all thefts, and 
" other mifchiefs, and the irrukitude of people 
" given thereto has been always here, within this 
"^ kingdom, very great, and more in number than 
*', in other regions, to the great impoveriihment of 
" the realm." This law, therefore, enaded, Thar 
if any perfon fhall bring before two ju dices, any 
runagate fervant, or any other^ which iiveth idly, 

* And. Chron. Com. v. i. p. 368. 
t I Edv/ard VL ch. 3, 

and 



32^ ANESTIMATEOF 

and ioiteringly, by the fpace of three days, the famd 
juftices (hall caufe the fald idle and loitering feN 
vant, or vagabond, to be marked on the breaft 
xvith the mark of V by a hot iron, and fhali ad- 
judge him to be 2ifiaveto the perfon who brought 
him, and who may caufe him to work, by beating, 
chaining, or otherwife. The unenHghtened makers 
of this difgraceful a'fl of legiflation became foon 
fo alhamed, as to repeal the law, which they 
ought to have never made. And were it not, that 
it ibews the condition of the country, and the 
modes of thinking of the higher orders, in 1547, 
it might, without much lofs, be expunged from 
the fiiatute book. 

But, the legiilators of this reign, were more happy 
n\ fome other of their laws. They reftored the 
ilatute of treafons of Edward III.; they encou^ 
raged the fidieries to Iceland, to Newfoundland, 
and to Ireland. They infli^led penalties on the 
fellers of victuals, who were not content with rea^ 
Ibnable profit, and on artificers and labourers, con- 
fpiring the time, and manner of their work. As 
«* great inconvenieiicies^ not meet to be rehearfed^ had 
"^'followed of compelled chaftity^' all pofitive laws, 
againft the marriage of priefiis, were repealed. 
Manufadures v/ere encouraged, partly by pro- 
curing the materials at the cheapeft rate, but ftili 
more by preventing frauds. And agriculture was 
promoted by means of inclofuig, which is faid to 
have given rife to Ket's rebeUionj in 1549. This 
event aione> fufficiently proves, that the people 
4 had 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 55 

Iiad confiderabl)^ increafed, but had not ydt applied 
fleadily to labour. 

While the abfurd pradtice continued, during the 
reign of Mary, of promoting manufactures by 
monopoly, inftead of competition, one law alone 
appears to have been attended with effeds, conti- 
nual, and falutary. It is the adl* ^^ for the mend- 
^' ing of highways ; " being now, " fays the law, 
" both very noifoitne and tedious to travel in, and 
'f dangerous to paliengers, and carriages." The 
firft effort of Englilli legiflation, on a fubjeCl fo 
much connedted with the profperity of every peo- 
ple, is the a6t of Edward I. for enlarging the 
breadth of highways, from one market town to 
another. This law, which was enabled in 1285, 
was, however, intended rather to prevent robbery, 
than to promote facility in travelling. The roads 
of particular diftrids were amended by feveral laws 
of Henry VIII. But this ad of Philip and Mary is 
the firft general law, which obliged every parifh, 
by four days labour of its people, to repair its 
own roads. The reign of Charles II. merits the 
praife of having firft eftabliftied turnpikes ; where- 
by thofe, who enjoy the benefits of eafy convey- 
ance, contribute the neceflary expence. Yet, 
when Cowley retired from the kum of men to 
Chertfey, in 1665, he thence invited Sprat to en- 
joy the pleafures of St. Anne's Hill, by telling 
liim, that he might jleep the jh'Jl night at Hampton 

* 2 & 3 Philip and Mary, ch, 8. 



34 AN EfriMAtE of 

I'own i A poet of the prefent day wouM liivite 
his friend at JLoadon, by faying, that he might eafily 
fiep into the coach^ and- come down to breakfaft. Even 
in the fubfequent age, when Sir Francis Wrong- 
head was chofen into Parhament, we hear of much 
preparation for his journey to town, and of many 
accidents by the way, owing to the badnefs of the 
roads : A pajliament-nian, at prefent, fends to the 
next Ilage for pofl-horfes, when there is a call of 
the houfe, and arrives in Weftminfler, from any 
diftance, at ^ny hour. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 25 



CHAP. III. 

T/ie State of England^ at the Accejfion of Elizabeth.' — 
Her Lazvs. — The Numbers of People y during her 
Reign, — Her Strength. — The Policy ^ and Power of 
the two fiibfequent Reigns, — The State of England ^ 
at the, Pxeftoration. — The Number of People^ at the 
P.evolution . — Refe5tions, 

E F O R E the commencement of the cele- 
brated reign of Elizabeth, a conliderabie 
change had doubtlefs taken place, in our policy, 
and in the numbers of our people. Agriculture, 
manufactures, fiiheries, commerce, diflant voyages, 
had all been begun, and made fome progrefs, from 
the fpirit, that had already been incited. Yqt, fo 
little opulence had been hitherto accumulated by 
the people of England, that fhe was, on her ac^. 
ceffion, obliged to borrow feveral very fmall fumiS 
of money, in Flanders, which had grown rich by 
its induilry. From that epoch, however, Englani. 
profpered greatly, during the domeitic tranquilHty 
of a ileady government, through half a centur)^, as 
v/eli as afterwards, from the examiple of osconomy 
and prudence, of adivity and vigour, which Eliza- 
Jpeth, on all occafions, fet before her fubjeds. 
The aft of Elizabeth * conta,ining orders for 

* 5 Eliz. ch. 4, 

p-2 artificers^ 



^6 AN ESTIMATE OF 

artificers, labourers, Jervants of hiijhandry-y and ap- 
'prentices, merits confideraticn ; becaufe we may 
learn from it the ftate of the country. Villains, 
we fee, from this enumieration, had ceafed, before 
1562, to be objects of legiflation. And we may 
perceive, from the recital, " That the wages, ai^id 
"♦allowances, rated in former flatutes, are in divers 
" places too fmall, and not anfiverable to this time, 
" refpeding the advancement of all things, belonging 
" to the faid fervants, and labourers,"- — a f^ivour- 
able change had taken place, in the fortunes of this 
numerous clafs. This law, as far as it requires 
apprenticefliips, ought to be repealed ; becaufe its 
tendency is to abridge the liberty of the fubiecV, 
and to prevent competition among worknien. 

The fame obfervation may be applied to the 
adt *^' againfh the ereding of cottages*." If we 
may credit the affertion of the legiflature, " great 
" multitudes of cottages, were daily more and more 
^' increafmg, in many parts of this realm." This 
ilatement evinces an augmentation of people : 
yet, the execution of fuch regulations, as this lav/ 
contains, by no means promotes the ufeful race of 
hufDandry fervants. 

The principle of the poor laws, which may be 
faid to have originated in this reign, as far as it 
neceiTarily confines the labourer to the place of his 
birth, is at once deftru^live of freedom, and of the 
true intercfcs of a manufacturing community, that 

* 13 FJiz, ch. 7o 



THE STRENGTH OF G* BRITAIN. 37 

can alone be effedually promoted by competition y 
which hinders the rife of wages among workmen, 
and promotes at once the goodnefs, and cheapnefs 
of the manufadlure. 

A few falutary laws, were doubtlefs made, during 
-the reign of Elizabeth. But her legiflation will 
be found, not to merit generally much praife. 
Her ad:s for encouraging manufadures by mono- 
poly ; for promoting trade by prohibition ; and for 
aiding hufbandry, by preventing the export of 
corn, alone juflify this remark. Her regulations, 
for punidiing the frauds, which aiife commonly 
in manufadures, vAitn they are encouraged by 
monopoly, m.erit commendation. 

Having thus (hewn the commencement of an 
increafmg population, amidfh famines, and war, 
and traced a confiderable progrefs, during ages ot 
healthfulnefs and quiet, it is now time to afcertain 
the precife numbers, which probably exifted ia. 
England, towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's 
reign. 

From the documents, which ftill remain in the 
Miifeum, it is certainly known, that very accurate 
accounts were often taken of the people, by the 
intelligent minifters of that great princefs. Har- 
rifon, who has tranfmitted an elaborate defcrip- 
tion of England, gives us the refult of the mufters, 
of 1575, when the number of fighting men was 
found to be ------- 1,172,674: 

Adding withal, that it v/as beHeved, a full third 
had been omitted, Notwithftanding the greatnefs 

P 3 Q^ 



38 ANESTIMATEOF 

of this number, fays Mr. Hume, the fame author 
complains much of the decay of populoufnefs ; a vulgar 
complaint, in all ages, and places *. Sir Walter 
Raleigh, however, alTerts, that there was a general 
review, in 1583, of all the men in England, ca- 
pable of bearing arms, who were found to amount 
to -,-, 1,172,000 

Here, then, are two credible evidences to an im- 
portant fad; That, in 1575, or 15B3, the fighting 
men, of England, according to enumerations, 
amounted to ---*-»- 1,172,000 
Which, if multiplied by 4, would prove 

the men, women, and children to 

have been -------- 4,688,000 

If by 5, would prove them to have 

been .-------'- 5,860,000 

* Hifl. vol. V. p. 481. — vi. p. 179. By endeavouring to 
colied every thing that could throw light on the population of 
■Elizabeth's reign, Mr. Hume has bewildered himfelf and his 
leader. Peck has prelerved a paper, which, by proving that 
•:here were muuers in 1575, confirms Harrifon's account. 
[Defid. Curiofa, v. i. p. 74,] It is a known fa6l, that there 
was an enumeration of the msriners, in 1582, which corre- 
fponds with Raleigh*s account. [Campbel's Pol. Survey, v, i. 
p. 161.] That there were feveral furveys, then, is a fa6l incon- 
trovertible ; as appears, indeed, from the Harl. MSS. in Brit. 
Muf. Nos. 412 and 6,839. '^^^^ Vr'ixy Council having re- 
quired the Billiops, in July, 1563, to certify the number of 
familiesy in their feveral diocefes, v/ere informed minutely of 
the particulars ©f each. Some of the Bifhops returns may be 
feen in MSS. Harl. No. 595. Brit. Muf. From the Bilhops 
certificates, as well as from the 3! Eliz. ch. 7. it appears, 
that the words /«»?///>/, and hoiffshclds^ were then ufed fyno- 
mmoufly* 

Without 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 39 

Without comparing minutely the numbers, 
which we liave already found, in 1377, ^^'^^^^ ^^^^ 
people, who thus plainly exifted, in 1577, ^^ ^^ ^P" 
parent, that there had been a vafl increafe in the 
intermediate two hundred years. Such, then, were 
tlje numbers of the fighting men, and of the in- 
habitants of England, during the reign of Eliza- 
beth : and fuch was the pov/er, while her revenue 
was inconfiderable, wherewith that iliuftrious 
Queen defended the independence of the nation, 
and fpread wide its renown *. 

But, it is the ardour, with which a people are 
infpired, more than their numbers, that conftitutes 
their real force. It was the enmity wherewith t/is 
armada had infpired England againfl: Spain, which 
prompted the Englifii people, rather than the 

* The particular number, of the communicants and recu- 
fantsy in each diocefe, and parifh of England, was certified to 
the Privy Council, by the Bifhops, in J603.— MSS. Harl. 
Brit, Muf. No. 280. 

And Uie number of communicants was - - 2,057,03-3- 
OfrecufaKts «---^------ 8,465 



In all - ■- - 2,065,498 
'%y the 33d Eliz. chap, i, all perfbns, upwards of fixteen years 
of age, were required to go to church, under the penalty of 
twenty pounds. \^ the 2,065, 498^ contained all the perfons, 
both male, and female, v/ho were thus required to frequent 
the church, this number would correfpond very well with the 
lighting men lately fiated ; and ihew the people of England, 
and Wales, to have been between four and five millions, du- 
ring Elizabeth^s reign, though approaching nearer to the laft 
aumber, than the firft. 

-0 4 ■ ^^ngliih 



49 AN ESTIMATE OF 

E.ngliihxourt, to aid the baftard Don Antonio to 
conquer Portugal : and tzventy thoufand volunteers 
engaged in this romantic enterprize, under thofe 
famous leaders, Norris, and Drake.— An effort, 
which Ihewed the manners of the age, more than 
its populoufnefs, ended in difappointment, as 
might have been forefeen, if enthufiafm, and rea- 
fon, were not always at variance. An alarm being 
given of an invafion, by the Spaniards, in 1599, 
the Queen equipped a fleets and levied an army, 
in a fortnight, to oppofe them. Nothing, we are 
told, gave foreigner^ a higher idea of the power 
of England, than thi^fudden armament. Yet, it 
is not too muuch to aliert, that Lancafliire alone, 
confidering its numerous manufa6tories, and exten- 
five commerce, is now able to make a more fiieady 
exertion *, amidft modern warfare, than the whole 
kingdom, in the time of Elizabeth. 

The 

* The traders of Liverpool alone, £tted out, at the com- 
irieneement of the late war with France, between the 26th of 
Atiguil:, 1778. and the 17th of April, 1779, a hundred and 
twenty pr'.vateers, armed each vvith ten to thirty guns, but 
moflly with fourteen to twenty. From an accurate lift, con- 
tainiDg the name, and appointment of each, it ?.'p^t^YSy that 
%]\t{^ privateers, meafured 30,787 tons, carrying 1,986 guns, 
and 8,754 men. The fleet fent againft the armada, in 15883 
mcafured 31^985 tons, and was navigated by 15,272 feam.en. 
And, from the eiforts of a fmgle town, we may infer, that the 
private Ihips of war formed a greater force, during the war of 
the Colonies, than the nation, with all its unanimity and zeal, 
was able to equip, under the potent government of Elizabeth. 
There was an enumeration, in 1581, of the fliippin'g, and 

failors 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. ^t 

The acceffion of James I. was an event aufpi- 
cious to the profperity, and the populoufnefs, of 
Great Britain. The tranquilHty of the Northern 
counties of England, which it had been the objed: 
of fo many of Elizabeth's laws to fettle, was at 
once reflored: and the two-and-twenty years of 
uninterrupted peace, during his reign, mufl have 
produced the mod falutary efFed on the induftry 
of the people, while the neighbouring nations were 
engaged in. warfare, though his peaceablenefs has 
caft an unmerited ridicule on the King. 

The various laws, which were paiied by this 
monarcii, for fuppreffing the frauds of manufac- 
tures, evince, at once, that they had increafed in 
conliderable num.bers, and mufl have continued 
to increafe. The acts for reformation of ale- 
houfes, and reprefTmg of drankennefs, as they 
plainly proceeded from the puritanifm of the times, 
muft have promoted ibbriety of manners, and at- 
tention to bufinefs. The acl, for the relief, and 
regulation of perfons, who were infedled with the 
plague, muft have had its effed:, in preventing the 
frequent return of this deftructive evil. Domeftic 
induftry was doubtlefs pro::,ioted by tbeadlagainft 
monopolies : and foreign commerce was affuredly 
extended by the law, enabling all perfons to trade 
with Spain, Portugal, and France. But, above 

failors of England, which amounted to 72,450 tons^ and 
14 295 mariners. To this fratement, Doftor Campbel adds. 
That the feamen of the fhips, regifiered in the port of Lon- 
don, in 1732, were 21,797. [Pol. Survey, vol, i, p, 161.] 

all. 



42 AN ESTIMATE OF 

all, the agricultural interefls of the nation, were 
infured by the acl, for confirming the poileffion 
of copyholders ; and ftill more, by the law, for the 
general quiet of the fubjed, againfb all pretence 
of dormant claims on the lands, which had de- 
fcended from remote anceftors, to the then pof- 
feflbrs. Of this falutary law, the principle was 
adopted, and its efficacy enforced, by a legillative 
act of the prefent reign. 

A comparifon of the laws, which were enadied 
by the parliaments of Elizabeth, and of Jamesj, 
would leave a decided preference, to the parlia- 
mentary leaders of the laft period, both in wif- 
dom, and in patriotifm. The private ads of par- 
liament, in Elizabeth's time, vv^re made chiefly to 
refiore the blood of thofe, who had been attainted 
by her predeceiTors : the private ads of JameSy 
were almofh all made for naturalizing foreigners. 
One of the laft parliamentary grants of this reign, 
was;f. 18,000 for the reparation of decaying cities, 
and towns, though it is not nov/ eafy to tell how 
the money was adually appned. 

Elizabeth had begun the pradice of giving 
bounties to the builders of fuch iliips as carried 
one hundred tons. James I. merits the praife of 
giving large fums, for the encouragement of this 
moft important manufadure. And while Charles L 
patronized every ornamental art, he gave, from a 
very fcanty revenue, a bounty of five fliilUngs the 
ton for every veiiel of the burthen of two hun- 
dred tons. Thefe notices enable us to trace the 

fize 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 43 

fize of our merchant-fliips, through a very adlve 
century of years. The mlnifters of Elizabeth, had 
confidered a velTel of one hundred tons as fufE- 
cient for the purpofes of an inconfiderable com- 
merce : the advifers of Charles I. were not fatis- 
fied with fo fmall a lize. It was to this wife po- 
licy, that the trading fiiips, of England, were em- 
ployed, ere long, in protediing her rights, and 
even in extending her glory. 

The adl vv^hich, in 1623, reduced the intereft of 
money to eight per cent, from ten, fhews fuffi- 
ciently, even againft the preamble of it, that com- 
plains of decune, how much the nation had pros- 
pered, and was then advancing to a higher ftate of 
improvement. Such laws can never be fafely 
ena6ledj till all parties, the lenders as v^^ell as the 
borrowers, are properly prepared to receive them. 
The cheerfulnefs of honeft Stowe, led him to fee, 
and to reprefent, the ftate o\ England, during the 
reign of James, as it really was. He fays, as 
Camden had faid before him, in 1580, that it 
would, in time, be incredible, were there not due 
mention made of it, what great increafe there i?, 
within thefe fevv^ years, of commerce, and v/ealth, 
throughout the kingdom ; of the great building 
of royal, and mercantile Oiips ; of the repeOpling of 
cities, towns, and villages j befide the fudden aug- 
mentation of fair and coftly buildings. The great 
meafure of the reign of King James, Vv'hich was 
productive of eifecls, lafbing, and unhappy, was the 
fettlement of colonies beyond the Atlantic. 

Lord 



44 AWESTIMATEOF 

Lord Clarendon exhibits a picture equally Mat- 
tering, of the condition of England, during the 
peaceful years of Charles L And the reprefenta- 
tion of this great hiftorian, is altogether confiftent 
with probability, and experience. The vigorous 
fpirit, which Elizabeth had bequeathed to her 
people, continued to operate, long after fhe had 
ceafed to delight them by her prefence, or to pro- 
tect them by her wifdom. The laws of former 
legiilators produced fucceilively their tardy efFedts. 
And it ought to be remembered that, neither dis- 
putes among the great, parliamentary altercations, 
nor even civil conteftsjtill they proceed the length 
of tumult, and bloodflied, ever produce any bad 
confequences to the induftry, or comfort^ of the 
governed. 

The civil wars, which began in 1640, unhappy 
as they were, while they continued, both to king 
and people, produced, in the end, the moft falu- 
tary influences, by bringing the higher and lower 
ranks clofer together, and by continuing, in all, a 
vigour of defign, and adivity of practice, that, in 
prior ages, had no example. 

One of the firfl; confequences of real hoftilities, 
was the eftablifhment of taxes, to which the peo- 
ple had feldom contributed, and which produced, 
before the conclufion of tedious warfare, the enor- 
mous fum of ^.95,5 1 2,095*. '^^^^^ gallant fupporters 

of 

* Stevens's Hiil. of Taxes, p. 296. But Stevens include9 
the fales of confircated lands, compofitions for eftatcs, and 
fuch other more oppreffive modes of raifing money. There 

were 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 4^ 

of Charles I. gave the fovereign, whom they loved, 
aniidft his diftreiTes, large fums of money, while 
confifcations left them any thing to give. Here,. 
then, were the mines of Potofi opened in Eng- 
land. The opulence, which induftry had been 
collecting for ages, was now brought into adlion, 
by the arts of the tax-gatherer : and the country- 
gentlemen, who had long complained of a Jcarcity 
cf money ^ contributed greatly, by unlocking their 
coffers, to remove the evil, that they had them- 
felves created by hoarding. 

One of the firfl: effeds of civil commotion was 
the placing of private money in the fhops of gold- 
fmiths, for its better fecurity, and for the advan- 
tage of the intereft, which, at the commencement 
of banking, was allowed the proprietors. By fa- 
cilitating the ready transfer of property, and the 
eafy payment of private debts, as well as public 
impofts, banking may be regarded as the fruitful 
mother of circulation. The colleding of taxes, 
and the frequent expenditure, raifed, ere long, 
the price of all things. Owing to thofe caufes, 
chiefly, the legal interefl of money was reduced, 
in 1 65 1, to lix per cent. And the redudion of 
intereft is, at once, a proof of previous acquifition, 
and a means of future profperity. 

T^he Rejioration of Charles 11. induced the peo- 
ple to transfer the energy, which they had exerted 

werecoUeaed, hy excifes only, /;. io,,200,ooo; and by tonnage, 
and poundage, ^. 5,700,000. 

during 



4^ AN ESTIMATE OF 

during twenty years hoftilities, to the various ope* 
rations of peace. The feveral manufactories, and 
new produdions of hufoandry, that v/ere intro- 
duced from foreign countries, before the Revolu- 
iioity not only formed a new epoch, but evince a 
vigorous application to the ufeful arts, in the in- 
termediate period. The common highways were 
enlarged, and repaired, while turnpikes were placed 
on the great Northern road, in the counties of 
Hertford, Huntingdon, ^and Cambridge. Rivers 
were deepened, for the purpofes of internal con- 
veyance by water. The acts of navigation cre- 
ated (hip-carpenters and failors, though thefe fa- 
iutary laws were long complained of, as deilractive 
to commerce. Foreign trade was increafed by 
opening new markets, and by withdrawing the 
alien duties, which had always obfcrucl-ed the vent 
of native manufadures. Thefe meafures alone, 
that made internal communications at once eaf)^, 
and fafe, would have promoted the profperity, 
and the population of any country. 

But, above all, the change of manners, and the 
intermixture of the higher and middle ranks, by 
marriages, induced the gentry, and even the 
younger branches. of the nobiht}^, to bind their fons 
apprentices to merchants, and thereby to ennoble 
a profeffion, that was before only gainful ; to in- 
vigorate traffic by their greater capitals, and to 
extend its operations by their fuperior knowledge. 
Hence, Child, Petty, and Davenant, agreed in 
61 affertins:. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 47 

aiTerting*, m oppofition to the party writers of the 
times, that, the commerce, and riches of England 
did never, in any former age, increafe fo faft as in 
the bufy period, from the lleftoration to the Re- 
voluta)n. 

Yet, in 1680, was publiilied Britannia Lau- 
giiens \ in order to prove, that, in the fame pe- 
riod, a kind of common confiimption hath a'ozvded 
lip on US, 

Tlie truth of the hoard's conclufion is, however, 
proved more fatisfa6torily, by the following detail, 
than by any document, which has been yet fub- 
mitted to the public. It is an authentic account 
of the Cnjioms, which were colle6led in England, 
and which, as they more than doubled, in the^ 
period from the Refhoration to the Revolution, 
fhew clearly, that the trade of England profpered, 
in the mean time, nearly in the fame proportion. 
There was an additional duty on wines, im.pofed 
in 1672, and an impofb on wine, tobacco, and 

* The Board of Trade reprefen ted, in December, 1697: 
** We have made inquiry into the flate of trade, in general, 
" from the year 1670 to the prefent time : and from the befi: 
*' calculations we can make, by the duties paid at the Cuftom- 
^' houfe, we are of opinion, that trade in general did confi- 
**' derably increafe, from the end of the Dutch war, in 1675, to 
" 1689, when the late war began." Yet, the Board feem not 
to have attended to the 25 Cha. II. ch. 6 ; which wifely 
enaded. That Deni%ens, and Aliens, fhould pay no more taxei 
for the native commodities of this kingdom, or foi' fjh caught 
in Englijh fliips, when exported, than fubjedts, 

linen, 



48 AK ESTIMATE OF 

linen, in 1685 : But, as thefe duties were kept 
feparate, they appear neither to have fwelled, nor 
diminiflied, the ufual receipt of the cuflom-houfe 
duties, in any of the years, either of peace, or of 
war. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIl.^ 



49 



An Account of the Cufloms, which were received, 
in the following Years of Peace, and of War : 



Teais. 


Du*y of 


Cuftoms. 


Ne-jj additional 
Duty on JVines. 


From 24ch Jul) 


1 


56o, 


£' 


s. 


d. 


£■ 


J. 


d. 


to 29th September 1661 


421,582 


7 


1 1 








The year ended 


2< 


^th 














September 


-' 


- 1662 


414,946 


J5 


io| 








Ditto, 


- 


= 1663 


525.415 


14 


4 








Ditto, 


- 


- i66d 


579,662 


] i 


oi 








Ditto, 


. 


- 1665 


519.072 


4 


2 








Ditto, 


- 


- 1666 


303,766 


10 


ii 








Ditto, 


- 


- 1667 


408,324 





2i 








The year ended 


















Michaelmas 


- 


- 1668 


626,998 


5 


4i 








Ditto, 


- 


- 1669 


5^9'773 


'9 


2i 








Ditto, 


- 


- 167c 


516,229 


19 


7-i 








Ditto, 


- 


- 1671 


525.736 


^5 


45 








Ditto, 


- 


- 1672 


563,383 


i 


6| 


148,959 


2 


si 


Ditto, 


- 


- ^673 


507,763 


6 


6 


165,622 


10 


6t 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1674 


636,132 


10 


5^ 


127.443 


16 


si 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1675 


674.133 


16 


°i 


I 2 2.00 i 


16 


4t 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1676 


650,878 


7 


I 


I5O5692 


I 


Si 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1677 


677,626 


15 


^ A- 


149,770 


^9 


H 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1678 


646,325 


12 


61 


126,126 


16 


2{ 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1679 


592.762 


II 


-7 A 
/ 4- 


96.639 


I 


Of 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1680 


033,562 


8 


4I 


156,132 


II 


io| 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1681 


621,615 


12 





90,222 


7 


3l 


Ditio, 


- 


- 1682 


742,721 


2 


0^ 


221 


9 


/ 4. 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1683 


768,166 


9 


2! 








Ditto, 


- 


- 1&84 


780,660 


^9 


3l 


I 


H 


4 


Ditto, 


- 


- 1685 


701,504 


3 


4 








Ditto, 


- 


- i686 


700,579 


H 


8| 








Ditto, 


- 


- 1687 


884,955 





3i 








Ditto, 


~ 


- 1688 


781,987 


2 


9* 









From the before-mentioned circumfliances^ and 
facls, which prove, that there had been many ad- 
ditional employments^ we may reafonably infer, 

E that 



5© A N E S T I M A f E O f 

that there had alio been a confiderable augmenta-* 
tion of inhabitants, who were the more important 
to the (late -, becaufe they were the moli induftri- 
ous. But> many emigrated, it has been faid, to 
the colonies, and many perifhed by peftilence. 
YcU the Lord Chief Juitice Hale infills, ^'That 
" mankind hath ftili increafed, even to manifefl 
" fenfe, and e:^perience :" and becaufe, fays he, this 
is an aHertion of fad, it is impoffible to be made 
out J but by inftances of fa6t. If, however, he adds, 
we fhould iniiitute a comparifon, between the 
prefent time (1670), and the beginning of Queen 
Elizabeth's reign (1558), and compare the num- 
ber of trained foldiers then, and now, the number 
of fubfidy men then, and now, they willeafily give 
kn account of a very great increafe of people, 
within this kingdom, even to admiration *. 

A 4nere 

* See Lord Hale's convincing argument, in T/je Origifmiio?: 
cf Mankind conjidered, ch. lo. Sir John Dairy mple found, in 
King V7il]iam*s cabinet, a minute account of the number of 
freeholders^ in England, which was taken by order of that mo- 
narch, in order to find out the proportion between church- 
men, difTenters, and papifts ; and whicii, Sir John has pub- 
li/hedj in the Appendix to his Memoirs : 

Conformifts. Non Con. PaDiits. 



In Canterbury, and York - 2,477,254. 108,676 13.856 

Contraft with thefe the be- 
fore-mentioned communi- 
cants, and recufants, in 
1603 - - - - - - 2,057,033 > . ^ . §,465 



T^iis conspari&nj after allowing for the original iuaccura- 

ties 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. ^t 

A mere queftion of fa6t, with regard to the 
number of births, at any two diftant period?, may 
doubtlefs, be either confirmed, or difproved, by an 
appeal to the parifh regiflers ; which, containing a 
coile6lion of fads, may be regarded as one of the 
bed proofs, that the nature of the inquiry admits. 
And the Lord Chief Juftice Hale remarked of 
them, becaufe he was ftruck with the force of 
their evidence, T/iat they gave a greater demonjlra- 
tion of the gradual increafe of mankind, than a him- 
dred notional arguments, can either evince, or confute* 
For, a greater number of births, in any one period, 
more than at any prior epoch, muft proceed from 
a greater number of breeders ], which denotes, a 
more numerous population. And, from an atten- 
tive examination of fuch proofs, Graunt pro- 
ceeded *, in 1662, to fhew, with great ability, the 
progreffive increafe of the people, and to prove^ 
how eaiily the country could fupply the capital 

cies of both accounts, fhews a great change in the numbers, 
in the opinions, and pradice of the people, from 1603, to 
1689. 

* See The Obfervations on the Bills of Mortality. Doclor 
Price has quoted Tindal, for the fa6l, That there appeared, by 
the hearth-books of 1665, in England, and Wales, 

1,230,000 houfes« 
The acknowledged number, in 1690 - - 1,300,000 

This, if we may credit Tindal, is fuiHcient evidence of a 
rapid increafe, in no long period, Graunt calculated the peo- 
ple of England, and Wales, in 1662, at 6,44.0,000 perfons. 

E 2 with 



A 



£1- AN E S TI MAT £ or 

with numerous recruits, without any fenfible dimi- 
mition. 

Having thus traced a gradual progrefs in popu- 
lation, it is nov^ time to afcertain the precife num- 
bers, at the Revolution. And Gregory King, who 
has been praifed by Davenant, for his refearch, and 
his fKilfulnefs, has left us documents, from which 
we may form an efhimate, fufficiently accurate for 
the ufes of hiftory, or the purpofes of legiflation. 
From an infpedion of the hearth-books, and the 
aiTeffments on marriages, births, and burials, King 
formed calculations, of the numbers of familieii 
houfes, and people ; which, according to Dave- 
nant, " were, perhaps, more to be relied upon, than 
" any thing that had been ever done, of the like 
« kind." 

It had been the fafliion, of the preceding age, to 
Hate the numbers of mankind, in every country, 
too high : from this period, ingenious men were 
carried away, by a reprehenfible felf-fufficiency to 
calculate them too low. Of the ftatemients of 
King, it was remarked, by Mr. Robert Harley *, 
in 1697, '* Thefe affelTments are no good founda- 
.** tion ; heads at a medium., being (according to the 
*' computation) per houfe, in London, only Jive : 
" omiffions, in the country, are probably greater 
^' than in London, becaufe, numbering the people 
*^ is there more terrible. The polls are inftances : 
"' families of feven, or eight perfons, bein^ not 

* Harl. MSS, in the Mufeum, Nos. 6,837—7,021. 

'^ numbered 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. ^^ 

" numbered at above three, or four perfons, in foma 
*' remote counties.'* Yet, by thus calculating 4-j-V» 
inftead of 5, in tvzx^^ family, which Vv^as flill con- 
fidered as fynonymous with houfeholdy this would 
demonihrate an increaie of a million, during the 
foregoing century. So our poets ufed the word 
hoiijehold^ to fignify a family living together : Thus, 
Sh.akspeare :— 

*' Two houfeholds^ both alike in dignity, 
In fair Verona, where we lajTJur fcene, 
Yiom ancient grudge break to new mutiny," 

Thus, Milton : 

OfGodobfervM 
The one juft man alive, by his command, 
.Should build a wond'rous ark, as thou beheldft. 
To fave himfelf and h&ufehold from amidft 
A world devote to univerfal wreck, 

♦, 
Thus, the more flippant Swift : 

In his own church he keeps a feat. 
Says grace before and after meat. 
And calls, without affecSling airs, 
His houfehold twice a-day to prayers. 

Davenant, by publidiing only extrads from 
icing's obfervations, and by fJDeaking confufedly 
oi families, and honfes, has done an injury to King, 
and to truth. All v/ill appear confiftent, and clear, 
>vhen this ingenious calculator is allowed to fpeak 
fpr himfelf. • 

B 3 The 



54 A N E S T I M A T E O F 

The number of hotifes in the kingdom, as 
charged, fays he, in the books of the Hearth Office 
at Lady Day, 169©, were, - - - 1,319,215 ; 
But, whereas, the chimney money being charged on 
the tenant, or inhabitant, the divided houfes ftand 
as fo many diftin6t dwellings, in the accounts of the 
faid Hearth OfficeC And, whereas the empty houfes, 
fmiths' fhops, &c* are included in the faid account, 
all which rnay very well amount to i in 36, or 37, 
(or near 3 per cent.) which, in the whole, may be 
about 36,000 houfes; it follows, that the true num« 
ber, of inhabited houfes^ is not above - 1,290,000 ; 
which, however, we {hall call, in round 

numbers, -.,----.- 1,300,000 



Having thus adjufted the number of houfes, we 
come now, continues he, to apportion the number 
of fouls, to each, according to what we have Qb- 
ferved, from the faid afTeflments on marriages, 
births, and burials. 

London, within the walls, produced 

almoft -------- 5l/^rhoufe. 

Sixteen parifhes without, full - - 4I 
The reft of the bills of mortdity, 

almoft - - - - - - - - 4i 

The other cities, and market towns 44. 
The villages, and hamlets - - - 4 



Sq, 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN, 55 

So, London, and 



the bills of 
mortality conr 
tained - - 
The cities, and 


Inhabited 
houfes. 

105,000 


at 


er houfe, 

4>57 


Souls, 
479,600 


market towns 
The villages, and 


195,000 




4>3 


838,500 


hamlets - -. i 


,000,000 




4 


4.,ooo,oco 


In all ^ I 


,300,000 


4^9 


5,318,100 



But, confidering, that the omiffions in the faid 
aileflhients may well be, 

In London, and the 

bills of morta-r 

lity - - - - 10 per cent, Qi 47,960 fouls 
in the cities, and 

market towns - 2 per cent, ov 16,500 
In the villages, and 

hamlets - - - i per cent, or 40,000 



In all - -r - ^ - ' 104,460 fouls: 



It follows, that the true number of people, 
dwelling in the 1,300,000' inhabited houfes ^ fhould 
be - - r - - -. ^ - -. - 5,4^2,560, 

Laflly ; whereas the number of tr^nii.tory peo- 
ple, as feamen, and foldiers, may be accounted 
140,000 ; whereof, nearly one half,, or 60,000, 
have no place in the faid aHelTments; and that the 
xiumber of vagrants, as hawkers, pedlars;, crate 

E 4 carriers^ 



.56 AN ESTIMATE OF 

carriers, gipfies, thieves, and beggars, may be 
reckoned 30,000 ; whereof above one half, or 
20,000, may not be taken notice of, in the faid 
aireiTmcats, making in all, 80,000 perfons : It foi- 
lovi^s, that the whole number of people in England^ 
and Wales, is much about 5,500,000 i viz. 

In London ------- 530,000 fouls. 

In the other cities, and towns - 870,000. 
In the villacres, and hamlets - - 4,100,000 



In all ----- - 5,500,000 

The number of inhabited Jwufes 

being about - " - ~ " 1,300,000 
Tlie number of /<:7;;;///Vj about - 1,360,000 

The people anfwer, at 4 I per houfe, and 4 pe;- 
family. 

Thus much from Gregory King's FoHtical Ob- 
fervations*. And his ftatements are, doniDtlcfs, very 
curious, and, even exadt, though we now know, 
•that the num.ber of dwellers, which he allowed to 
every houfe, and to every famil}^, was a good deal 
under the truth, as Mr. Robert Harley,. at the 
time, fufpeded. 

Sabfequent inquirers have enumerated the houfes, 
and the inhabitants of various villages, towns, and 
cities, inftead of relying on the defedive returns of 

* There is, in MSS. Had. Brit. Muf. No. 1,898, a very fair 
Copy of King's Ohfer'uaricnsy which are now annexed to this 
Etuinate, 

tax- 



THE STRENGTH OF Q. BRITAIN, ^J 

tax-gatherers. Docfhor Price became, at lengthy, 
(jifpofed to admit, from the enumi.erations, which 
he had feen, that/i^f perfons, and a fixth, refide in 
every houfe^. Mr. Howlet, from a ftill greater 
number of enumerationts, infifts -{- for five, and two- 
fifths. It will, at laft, be found, perhaps J, that five 
and two-fifths are the fmalleft number, which, on 
an average of the whole kingdom, dwells in every 
houfe. 

Little doubt can f^arely now remain, of there 
having been, in England and Wales, 1,300,000 in- 
habited houfes at the Revolution. Were we to 
multiply this number hj five, it would demonftrate 
a population of fix millions and a half: were we to 

* Reverfionary Payments, v. n. p. 288. 

f Examination of Price, p. 145. 

I In 1773, ^^' Pi'ic^ infilled that there were not ^uke fi've in 
every houfe. [Obfervations on Reverfionary Payments, 3d edi- 
tion, p. 1.8^.]: In 1783, the Dofflor feemed willing to allow, 
live one-iixth in every houfe: Bat he ftill contends. That, if 
you throw out of the calculation, Liverpool, Manchefter, Bir- 
mingham, and other populous towns, the number, in every 
houfe, ought to be lefs thanjii>e. [Obfervations on Reveriionary 
Payments, 4th edit. v. ii. p. 288 — 9.] The Rev. Mr. New 
made a very accurate enumeration, of the parifh of St. Philip, 
and St. Jacob, in the city of Brillol, daring the year 178 1, 
and found 1,529 inhabited houfes, and therein 9,850 fou*]s. 
Thefe numbers prove, that more than fix, one-third, dwell m 
every houfe. And from this enumeration we may infer. That, 
in the full inhabited city of Briftol, fix, at leaft, refide in every 
houfe. If, in the fpirit of Doftor Price, we throw out of the 
calculation all populous places, and iludioufly colledl fuch 
decaying towns as Sandwich, the proporti.Qn, to every houfe, 
snuil be limited Xofrveo 

multiply 



5a AN ESTIMATE OF 

multiply by five, and two-fiftlis, or even by five5, 
and one-fifth, this operation would carry the num- 
ber up, nearly, to feven millions : and (even millions 
were confidered, by fome of the mofl intelligent 
men of that day, as the whole amount of th^ people, 
of this kingdom, at the Revolution. 

But, if we take the lowell number, of fix mil- 
lions and a half, and compare it with five millions,, 
the highefl number, probably, in 1588, this compa- 
rifon would evince an increafe of a million and rf 
half, in the fubfequent century, and of more than 
four millions, from 1377. Yet, Dodor Price con- 
fidered the epoch of the Reformation (15 17) as a 
period of greater population, than the ^ra of the. 
Revolution. 

In giving an account of th^ reign of King Wil- 
liam, Sir John Dalrymple remarks, '' That three 
and tzventy regments were completed in fix weeks. 
This is, doubtlefs, an adequate proof, of the ardour 
of the times, but it is a very flight evidence, of an 
overflowing populoufnefs. Want of employment, 
often fends recruits to an army, which, in more in- 
duftrious years, would languifli without hope of 
reinforcements. We may learn, ijideed, from Si r 
Jofiah Child, That it was a quefliion agitated, dur- 
ing the reign of Charles II >■ — " If we have more 
" people now than i^n former ages, how came it to. 
'^ pafs, that in the. times of Henry IV, and V. and 
*' even in prior times, we could raife- fuch- great 
*^ armies, and employ them in foreign wars, and 
" yet retain a fuificient number to defend the 

*■. kine- 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN, ^gi 

V^ kingdom, and to cultivate our lands at home I. 
^^ I anfvver firft/' fays this judicious writer, *^ that 
^* bignefs of armies is not a certain indication of 
*' the numeroufnefs of a nation^ but fomctimes of 
*^ the government, and difbribution of the lands ; 
*' where the prince and lords are owners of the 
" whole territory : although the people be thin, 
*' the armies, upon occafion, may be very great, as 
^^ in Fez, and Morocco. Secondly, princes armies^ 
- in Europe, are become more proportionable to 
^' their purfes, than to the numbers of their peo- 

" pie-" 

Thus much it was thought proper to premife^ 

with regard to the previous condition, and policy, of 

England, as well as its populoufnefs, at different 

periods, anterior to ne Revolution^ when this 

J^STiMATE begins. 



0^- AN E S T I m ATE O 



CHAP, 1V» 

opinions J as to the Str.engtk of Nations, — RefleBions.. — 
The real Power of Engla?id^ during King PFilliam's. 
Reign.— -The $tate of the Nation. — The Lofjes of 
her Trade, frora King WilUanis Wars. — Her Com- 
merce re'vives. — Complaints of Decline^ amidfl her 
Profperitj, — RefieEiions. 

THEORISTS are not agreed, in re%a 
to thofe circumftances, which form the 
ftrength of nations, either actual, or comparative. 
One confiders the power of a people '^ to. confift in 
their numbers, and wealth." Another infifts, " that 
the force of ever)^ community mofb effentially 
depends on the capacity, valour, and union, of the 
leading charaders of the ftate." And a third, 
adopting partly the fentiments of both, contends, 
'' that though numbers, and riches^ are highly im- 
portant, and the refources of war may decide a 
conteft, where other advantages are equal 3 yet the 
leiburces of war, in hands that cannot employ 
tbeni^ are of little avail, iince manners are as eflen- , 
tial, as either people, or wealth." 

It is not the purpofe of this Eftimate to amufe 
the fancy with uninftrudive definitions, or to be- 
wilder the judgment with veabal difputations, which 
£fe as unmeaaingj as they are unprofitable. The 
Y, ' el cries 



I 



THE STRENGTH OF G. ERTTAIN, 6x' 

glDrles of the war, of 1756, have cad a continued 
ridicule on the far-famed EJlimator of the mminers^ 
Old principles, of tkofe times. Recent ftruggles, have 
thrown equal ridicule on other calculators, of an 
analogous fpirito And we may find reafon, in the 
end, to conclude, that the qualities of the mind, 
either vigorous, or eifeminate, have undergone, in 
this iiland, no unhappy change, whatever alte- 
ration there certainly is, in the labour of the hands 
of our people, from the epoch of the Revolution, 
to the prefent moment. 

But, from general remark, let us defcend to 
minute inveftigations, with regard to the progref- 
iive numbers of the people, to the extent of their 
induflry, and to the fucceffive amount of their 
traffic, and accumulations ; becaufe our refources 
arofe then, as they arife now, from the land and 
labour of this ifland alone. 

The infult, offered by France, to the fovereignry 
of England, by giving an afylum to an abdicated 
monarch, and by difputing the right of a high- 
minded people, to regulate their ov/n affairs, forced 
King William into an eight-years war, w^ith that 
potent country, which he perfonally hated, and, 
wdth which, he ardently wiilied to quarrel. He 
bad therefore no inclination io weigh, in very fcru- 
puious fcales, the wealth of his fubjedls, againfl the 
greater opulence of their rivals, who were, in thofe 
days, more induilrious, and were further advanced 
in the pradice of manufadture, and knowledge 

of 



'6^ AfTESTIMATE O^ 

of traffic. Yet, the defire of that warlike tnd« 
narch, being feconded by the zeal of his people, 
whofe refources were not theii equal to their 
bravery, he was enabled to engage, in an arduous 
difpute, for the mod honourable end. Happy ! 
had hoilihties ended, as foon as the independence 
of the nation was vindicated frominfult, and when 
the interefts of the people required the ceffation 
of warfare. 

We may form a fufficient judgment of the 
ilrength of England, at that ^ra, from the follow- 
ing detail : 

The number of fighting metiy according to the 
calculation of Gregory King, as cited, with ap- 
probation by Davenant, was 1,308,000; yet the 
one-fourth of the people formed the men fit for 
war, w^hatever may have been the real popula- 
tion of England;, during the reign of King Wil- 
liam. 

The yearly income of the nation 
from its land, and labour, amount- 
ed, if we may credit the ftatement 
of Gregory King, to - - - -^.43,500,000 

The yearly expenfe of the people, 
for their neceifary fubfiilence, - - 41,700,000 



The yearly accumulation, of profit, £ 1,800,000 



The 



THE STR.ENGTH OF G. BRITAIN". 63 

. The value of the whole kingdom, according to 
Gregory King, ^.650,000,000*; which, forming 
the capital, wdience income arofe, was no proper 
fund for taxation. 

Davenant fliates, from various conjeBures and cal- 
culatmis, the circulating money, at/^. i8,50o,ooof, 
while there yet exlfted, in the nation, no paper- 
money, and httle circulation; which, by facilitat- 
ing the eafy transfer of property, is fo favourable 
to the levying of taxes. 

King James's annual income, amounted only to 
£.2,061,856. 75. pl^.j ; which was a greater re- 
venue, than any of his predecelTors had ever 
enjoyed. 

Of this there remained, in the Exchequer, on 
the 5th of November, 1688, ;^. 80,138 §; which 

* See Gregory King's Polk. Obfervations. 

f Gregory King, having ilated the filver coin at eight 
million and a half, in 1688, and the gold coin at three million, 
Mr. Robert Harley thereupon, remarked, " That the mint ac- 
counts would m^ake us believe there is more gold coin than 
three million; but both accounts, together, would make a good 
eilimate."-~MSS. Harl. Biit. Muf. 1,898. The circulating 
coin may, therefore, be taken at eleven million and a half, 
during King William*s reign. It was one of the tenets of 
I) odor Price, to maintain, that we had more coins in circu- 
lation, during thofe times, than at prefent. 

I Hift. of Debts, p. e-'-j, 

§ For the accurate informations, which thefe fheets convey, 
from a tranfcript of the Exchequer-books, in King William, and 
Queen Anne's reigns, the public owe an additional obligation, 
and t>.- coir^piler a kindnefs, to the liberal communication of 
Mr. Ai: ?. 

little 



64 ANESTIMATEOF 

little enabled King William^ either to defray the 
expenfes of the Revolution ^ or to prepare for a 
war with France. 

The nett income, paid into the Exchequer, iii 
1 69 1, from the cuftoms, and excife, from the land, 
and from polls, amounted only to £. 4,249.757 ; 
of which there were applied, towards carrying on 
the war, £, 3,393,634, and to the fupport of the 
civil eftablifliment, £. 856,123*, 

The average of the annual fupplies, during the 

war, which were raifed, with difficulty, from a dif- 

fatistied people, amounted only to .^.5^105,5051 ^ 

whence we may form an opinion of the force, 

which could then be exerted, though it muft be 

admitted, that the fame nominal fum had, in thofc 

days, a greater power than it had in after times. 

There were borrowed, by the government, at in 

intereft of feven, and eight per cent, while the 

legal intereft' of money was only fix, from 

the 5 th of November J 1688, to Lady-day, 

1702, - ------ ^\ 44,100,795; 

Of which there were mean while 

repaidj ------- 34,034,018; 

Of this debt there remained due '■ ^ 

at Lady -day, 1702!, - - ;f. 10,066,777 

So unproduclive had each branch of taxes proved, 
during every year of the war,, that the revenue, 
which had exifted before it began, fell above one- 

* Mr. AHIe's Tranfcript. f Id, 

1 Id. 

half 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 65 

half, in five years * ; and the deficiencies appeared 
to have iwelled^ before the feffion of 1696, to 
what was tiien deemed the enormous fum of 
yf. 6,000,460; which greatly enfeebled every ex- 
ertion of the government, by the advance in the 
price of all things. The annual coiledlion of 
taxes, to the amount of tv/o million and a half, 
more than had been levied on the country, in pre- 
ceding times, while their foreign trade was cut off, 
was alone fufiicient to embarrals a people, who pof- 
feffed greater powers of induflry, and circulation. It 
is an infcrucf ive facl, which is tranfmitted by Dave- 
nant, that impofts did not then enhance the price of 
the commodity to the confumer, when in its highefh 
ftate of improvement, but fell on the growler, 
who fold the article in its rudeil condition: the 
excife did not raife the price of m.alt, but lowered 
the price of barley. And this facfl evinces, how 
much confumption was embarralTed, and circula- 
tion obdrudied, during the diftrefles of the ilevo- 
iution-war. 

The annual value of the furplus produce of the 
land, and labour oi" England, w^hich was then ex- 
ported to foreign countries, amounted only to 
y^. 4,086,087. liad the coins of England been 
as numerous as Davenant fuppofed them, they 
could not long have carried on a war, beyond the 
limits of the empire. And the cargoes, which 
were thus lent abroad, could not, from their incon- 
fiderablenefs, have filled a mighty void, for any 
length of years. 

* Davenant's Efiay on Ways and Means. 

F The 



66 A N Est I MATE O F 

The tonnage of Engllih (hipping, that were 
annually emploj^ed for the exportation of the be- 
fore-mentioned cargoes, amounted only to 190,533 
tons ; which, if we allow them to have been navi- 
gated, at the rate of twelve mariners to every two 
hundred tons, required only 11,432 failors ; yet, 
this was the principal nurfery, whence the navy 
of England could alone be manned, during the 
wars of King William. 

The following ftatement will give us ideas, fuffi- 
ciently accurate, of the progrefiive force of the 
royal fleet : 

Tons. Sailors 

Which, in 1660 carried 62,594 - - — 

in 1675 - - 69,681 - - 30,951 

in 1688 - - 101,032 - - — 

in 1695 "* *■ 1 1 -,400 - - 45,000 



Such, then, was the naval force that, during 
the hoftilities of William, could be fent into the 
line againil the potent navy of France, which, in 
one bufy reign, had been created, and raifed to 
greatnefs. It was found almofl im.pofiible to man 
the fleet, though the admiralty were empowered 
by Parliament, to lay flrift embargoes on the mer- 
chants fliips *. And this alone, ought to give us 

a leflbn, 

* Sir J. Dalryraple, has publifhed a paper [Appendix, 

p. 242.] in order to juftify King William from the charge— 

** of not exerting the natural llrength of England, in a fea- 

ivar againil France, after the battle of La Hogue ; '* which 

5 ■ proves. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN-. 67 

a leiTon, of what importance it is to the ftate, to 
augment the native race of carpenters, and failors, 
by every pofTible means. 

The great debihty of England, during the war 
of the Revolution, arofe from the pra6tice of 
hoarding, in times of diftruil, which prevented cir- 
culation ; from the diforders of the coin, that greatly 
augmented the former evil, while the government 
ilTued tallies of wood, for the fupplying of fpecie ; 
from the inability of the people to pay taxes, 
while they could find no circulating vakie, either 

proves, that his minifters thought it impoiTible to increafe the 
fleet; — "as not having fiiips enough, nor men, unlefs we Hop 
even the craft-trade." There are a variesy c documents, in 
the Plantation- office, which demonftrate the fame pofition. 
And fee the fubjoined comparative view of the fleets of France, 
nnd of England, in 1693. 

The followinc^ " Comparifon of the French, and Engliih fleets, in 1693, 
formed from lifts brought into the Houfe of Commons, by Secretary 
Trenchard," will fhew, how nearly equal they were in force, even 
fubfequent to the victory of La Hogue, in the preceding year. [BibL 
Harley, Brit. Mufeuru, No. 1,89$.] 





Fren 

At 


ch Fleet. 




Engl 
in 


Ifh Fleet, 
Build- 


f 


Di£ 


Ference, 




Ac 


1 


^-*-^ 


Ships from 


Breit. 


Toulon. 


Total. 


being. 


ing, 


Total. 


More. 


Lefs. 


40 to 50 guns 


3 




8. - 


3' 





31- 


- 


Z3 





50 to 60 - - 


- 10 




14. - 


7 


I 


8. 


- 





6. 


60 to 70 - - 


- 23 




32. - 


H 


3 


17- 


- 





15. 


70 to 80 - - 


" ^3 




16. - 


23 


z 


zs. 


- 


9 


0. 


80 to 90- - 


- 7 




8. - 


8 


6 


14. 


- 


6 


0. 


90 to 100 


- 6 




10. - 


II 





XI. 


- 


I 


0. 


f.o to xcS 


- 6 




7. - 


5 





5- 


- 





a. 




— 


-*- 


-^ 


— 


_ 




- 


— 


— 




68 


27 


9'r 


99 


IZ 


J 1 1. 


- 


39 


a3. 



F 2 for 



68 AN ESTI M ATE O F 

for their labour^ or property : adei to thefcj the 
turbulence of the lower orders, and the treachery 
of the great. And, above all, if we may believe 
the minifters of King William *, Nobody knew one 
day what a Houfe of Commons woidd do the next. 

From this review of the debility of Englandj we 
may, with the more propriety, inquire into the lofTes 
of our trades during that diftrefsful war. A more 
confirmed commerce could not have ftood fo rude 
a fhock as our manufadures and commerce re- 
ceived, frpm the imbecihty of friends, no lefs than 
from the vigour of foes, amidfl: a difafhrous courfe 
of hoftilities, of eight years continuance. And the 
clamours, which were in the end, juftly raifed 
againfl: the managers of the marine, were afluredly 
founded in prodigious loiTes. An examination of 
the following proofs, wil] evince this "melancholy 
truth : 

Value of 

Ships cleared outwards. their Cargoes. 

Years. Tons Eng. D« foreign. Total. £. 

1688 - 190,533 - 95,267 - 285,800 - 4,086,087 

1696 - 91,767 - 83,024 - 174^791 - 2,729,520 



Annuallofs 98,766 - 12,243 - 111,009 - 1*356,567 



The nett revenue of the pofts, in - 1688 £. 76,318 
D" - - - - 1697 - 58,67a t 



Dr. Davenant took a different way to go to the 
fame point, becaufe he had not accefs to a better. 

* Dal. Mem. Appendix, p. 240. 

t Mr. Aftle's Tranfcript. ^ 

Having 



THE STRENGTH 0? G. BRITAIK. 69 

Having dated the yearly amount of the cufloms, 
from 1688 to 1695, inclufive, he inferred from ^^^^ 
annual defalcations : ^^ So, that it appears fufti- 
" ciently, that in general, fmce this war, our trade 
" is very much diminifhed, as, by a medium of 
" feven years, the cufloms are lelTened about 
";f. 138,707. 7 J- a year." Dr. Davenant juftly 
complained of the breaches of the Ad: of Naviga- 
tion, " during the Hack adminiftration of this 
" war ;" fo, that ftrangers feem to have beaten us 
out of our own ports. For, it was obferved, that 
there were, in the Port of London, 

Tons Do 

Englifh. foreign. Total. 

During the year 1695 * - 65,788 - 83,238 - 149,026 



It would be injurious to conceal, that the fame 
able author, who feems, however^ to have fome- 

* If, with fhe year mentioned, by Davenant, we contraft the 
following years, we fhall fee an aftonilhing increafe of the na- 
vigation, and commerce of London. Thus, there were entered 
in this great Port, 





Tons Englifh. 


Do foreign. 


Total. 


In 1710 - 


- 70,915 - 


- 40,280 - 


- 110,195 


19 - 


- 187,122 - 


- 11,468 - 


- 198,590 


ss-. 


- 125,086 - 


- 69.050 - 


- 194,146 


Sz - 


- 210,656 - 


- 125,248 . 


- 335'904 


83 - 


- '^n^m - 


- 169,170 - 


- 446,967 


8+. 


' 372775 - 


- 9a'043 - 


- 464,818 



The number of fiiips, which were regiftered, in the port of 
London, in the year ending the 30th Sept. 1793, was 1,886, 
carrying 378,787 tons. 

F 3 times 



70 ANESTIMATEOF 

times complained, without a caufe, acknowledged, 
^^ That perhaps, no care, nor wifdom in the world, 
" could have fully proteded our trade, during this 
" lad war with France." 

An attentive examination of the numbers of our 
fliips cleared outwards, and of the cargoes export- 
ed in them, will convince every candid mind, that 
in every war, there is a point of depreffion, in trade, 
as there is in all things, beyond which, it does not 
decline ; and from v/hich, it gradually rifes beyond 
the extent of its former great nefs, unlefs it meet 
with additional checks. And the year 1694* 

marked, 

* The following detail, from the Plantation-office, will 
give the reader a i-ll clearer view of the navigation of Eng- 
land, during the embarraffments of the Revolution war. 



Ships cleared Outwards. 
Tons D^^ 
EngJiili. foreign. Total 

g 5 London, 44,912 - 59, 75° - ic4j662 
iOutportSj 73,176 - 2'S752- - 101,92s 



Total, 118,08 - 88,50a - 206,59^ 



g 5 London, 39,648 - 41,500 - 81,148 



Z8,22d 



61,63: 



Total, 73,056 ^ 69,724 - i4-,7^o 



Balance of Trade, 57;26c 



20,040 



Ships entered Inwards. 

Tons DO 

Engiiih. foreign. Total. 

36,512- 80,875- 117,387 

32,616 - 27,876 - 60,492 



69,128 - 108,751 - 177,879 
Balance of Trade, 28,611 



206,590 



59,472 - '/S,sco ' 135,972 
35,158 - 28,910 - 64,068 



94,630 - 105,410 . 260,040 



Qi 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 7I 

marked, probably, the loweft flate, to which the 
eight years hoflilities, of that difaftrous period, 
beat down the national traffic. But, the com- 
merce of England, which is fuftained by immenfe 
capitals, and infpired by a happy ikill, and dili- 
gence, may be aptly compared to a fpring of 
mighty powers, that always exerts its force, in pro* 
portion to the weight of its compreiiion ; and that 
never fails to rebound with augmented energy, wher 
the prelTure is removed, by the return of peace. 
It is, neverthelefs, a fad, equally true, that how- 
ever the cefiation of war, may give frefh ardour to 
our induilrious claffes at home, and enable our 
merchants to export cargoes of unexampled extent, 
yet, there are never wanting writers, who, during 
this profperous moment, complain of the decline 
of our manufadories, aad the ruin of our trade. 
It is propofed, to illuftrate both thefe fads, in the 
following fheets ; becaufe, from the illuftration, we 
may derive both intelligence, and amufement. 

Of the foregoing detail, it ought to be obferved, that it 
does not appear in the Plantation-office altogether in this 
form : the number of fhips, Englifh, and foreign, entered ei- 
ther in London, and the outports, is only fpecified, and the 
average tonnage of each, thus particularly given: the Englifli 
fhips, in the port of London, were ellimated at 1 12 tons each : 
the foreign, at 125 tons each: the Englilh fhips, at the out- 
ports, at 7» each ; the foreign, at 98 tons each. Whence, 
the editor was enabled, by an eafy calculation, to lay before 
the public, a more precife accou,nt of the commerce of Eng- 
land, during- the war of the Revolution, than has yet been 
4one, 

F4 Let 



JZ AN ESTIMATE OF 

Let us, then, attend to the following proofs : . 

Value of cargoe 
Ships cleared outwards. expor'ed. 

Tons Eng. D^ foreign. Total. £. 

PeaceofRvf-7 . on ' 

wick, 1697 r^^'^-^ ■ '°^'^'^^ ' ^-^'^vSS - 3>5^5^907 

1699 1 . . 

1700 f 293703 - 43:625 - 33;'32S - 6,709,881 



J701 



In addition to this fatisflidory detail^ let us con- 
fider the revenue of the poft-office, which, fliew- 
ing the extent of corrcTpondence, at different 
periods, furniilies no bad proof of the progrefs of 
comiiTierce. The nett income of the pofts, accord- 
ing to an average of the eight years of King Wil- 
liam's wars ^.67,222 

D of the four years of fubfequent 

peace --..--.-_- 82^319* 



Yet, amidfl: all this profperity, Polexfen, one of 
the Board of Trade, publiflied a difcourfe^"^ in 
1697, in order to lliew, " That, fo great had been 
the lolTes of a feven years war, if a great flock be 
abfolutely neceffary to carry on a great trade, we 
may reafonably conclude, the flock of this nation 
is fo diminiilied, it will fall iliort; and that, with- 
out prudence, and induilry, we iliali rather con- 
fame what is left, than recover what we have loft." 
Davenant, the antagonifl of Polexfen, ftunncd every 



* Mr. A ale's Tranfcript. 

f Difcourfc on Trade, Coin, and Pa^er Cred> 



coffee-? 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 73 

coffee-houfe, at the fame time, with his declama- 
tions, on the decay of commerce. " It will be a 
" great matter, for the prefent,'* fays he*, "if we 
** can recover the ground our trade has lofl during 
" the la^: war.'* But, we have feen, that we had 
already gained Jiiperior ground^ at the precife mo- 
ment, wherein he, in this manner, lamented our 
recent loiTes, both of fhipping, and trade. So dif- 
ferent are the deductions of theory, from the in- 
formations of experience, that temporary interrup- 
tions are conftantly mifhaken for fymptoms of 
habitual decline. And our commercial writers, 
owing to this caufe, are full of well-meaning 
falfehood, while they, fometimes, propagate pur-» 
pofed deception. 



Phyfic Is their bane : 



The learned Leaches in defpair depart. 

And (hake their heads, defpondlng of their art. 

The Revolution may juftly be regarded, as an 
event in our annals, the moft memorable, and in- 
terefting; becaufe its effeds have been the hap- 
pieft, in refpe6t to the fecurity, the comfort, and 
profperity, of the people. Yet it has, for fome 
years, been infifhed, with a plaulibiUty, which pre- 
cludes the charge of intended paradox, that every 
caufe of depopulation — a devouring capital ^ the 
wafte of warSy the drain of Jlanding armies ^ emigra^ 
iions to the colonies ^ the engr offing of farms ^ the in^ 

* Difcourfe on Trade, 1698. 

clofm^ 



y4 ANESTIMATEOF 

clojing of commons^ the high price of proviftons, and 
unbounded luxury — all have concurred, fmce that 
fortunate :Era, to difpe©ple the nation ; the num- 
bers of which, it is pretended, have decreafed a 
^million and a half, and ftill continue to decreafe. 

In oppoiition to fuch controvertiils, it is not 
fufficient to argue. That, having traced a gradual 
advance in population, during lix centuries of po- 
litical diftradlion, and domeilic mifery;, and proved 
an addition of more than four millions to the ori- 
ginal fhock, in 1066, notwithflanding waftefui 
wars, defolating famines, and habitual debility : 
we ought thence to infer, that the poiition of a 
tlecrmfing populoufnefs , during a period the mofl 
free, and profperous, and happy, can alone be 
maintained, by the decifive proof of enumerations, 
or, at lead, by a mode of indudion, which is equal 
to them, in the weight of its inference. It is pro- 
pofed, then, to continues brief review of the prin- 
cipal occurrences, in our hiftory, fince the year 
1688, that could have either carried on the former 
progrefs of our population, or have promoted a 
gradual decline. 

The Revolution did not, indeed, produce fo much 
any alteration in the forms of the conflitution, as it 
changed the maxims of adminiflration; which have, 
every where, fo great an iniluence on the condition 
of the governed. Yet, from thence, a new ^ra is 
faid * to have commenced, in which the bounds 

* Blackil. Com. vol. i. p. 213. 

of 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. J^ 

of prerogative, and liberty, have been better de- 
fined, the principles of government more tho- 
roughly examined, and underfhood, and the rights 
of the fubje6l more explicitly guarded by legal 
provifions, than in any other period of the Englifli 
hiftory. One article, alone, in the Declaration of 
Rights, was worth, on account of the confolation, 
which it adminiftered to the lower orders, the 
whole expence of the enfuing war: "That ex- 
cellive bail fhall not be required, or exceffive fines 
be impofed, or cruel, and unufual, punilhments be 
inflided." Philofophershave,juftly, remarked, that 
feverity of chaftifement has as natural a tendency 
to debafe mankind, as mildnefs to elevate them. 
It was not fo much from the declaration, t/iat 
the levying nioney^ zvithont conjent of Parliamenty is 
unlawful^ that private property was fecured, as 
from the impartial adminiftration of juftice, which 
has regularly flowed from the independence of 
the Judges. Anderfon * did not forget to give " a 
brief view of the eflablifhment of that free confli^ 
tution, as it did certainly contribute, greatly, in 
its confequences, to the advancement of our in- 
duflry, manufadures, commerce, and fhipping, as 
well as of our riches, and people, notwithflanding 
feveral expenfive, and bloody, wars." 

The hearth-money was foon after taken away; 
*' being a great oppreflion (fay the Parliament) 
#f the poorer fort, and a badge of flavery upon the 

* Chroni Ace. of Com. vol. ii, p. 189.— 95. 

whole." 



76 AN ES TIM AT E OK 

whole." During the fame fefTion, the firft bounty 
was given on the exportation of corn : *' How 
much/* fays that laborious writer, " this bounty has 
contributed to the improvement of hulbandry, is 
too obvious to be difputed :" and, accordingly, the 
year 1699, has been noticed as the epoch of the laft 
great dearth of corn in England. A flourilliing 
agriculture muft have, neceirarily, promoted popu- 
loufnefs, in two refpeds ; by offering encourage- 
ment to labour ; by furnidiing a fupply of provi- 
lions, at once conftant and cheap, which were both 
extremely irregular, in former times. The ad of 
toleration, which was, at the fame time, pafled, by 
" giving eafe to fcrupulous confciences," tended to 
promote our induilry, and traffic, and confequently 
the progrefs of population : for, we may learn of 
Sir Jofiah Child, how many people had been driven 
out of England, from the rife of the Puritans, in 
the reign of EUzabeth, to the blefled xra of to- 
leration. 

Qn the other hand, it has been already fliewn 
how much the eight-years war, which grew out 
of the Revolution, diftrefled the foreign trade of 
England. As King William employed, chiefly, the 
troops of other nations ; as the profligate, and the 
idle, principally recruited the army ; as humanity : 
now foftened the rigours of war; it may be juilly 
doubted, if we lofl a greater number, by the mife- 
ries of the camp, than were acquired by the ar- 
rival of refugees, who, during that period, fought 
fecurity in England. And, of this opinion, was 

Dodor 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. JfJ 

Do6lor Davenant*, who was no unconcerned fpec- 
tator of thofe eventful times. Yet, it is a known 
fact, that the taxes, which w^ere fucceflively im- 
pofed, did not produce, in proportion to their aug- 
mentations. And if we attribute this unfavourable 
circumfhance to the inability, and prelfures, of the 
people, more than to the novelty of contributions, 
to the enmity of many againft the new government, 
and to the diforders of the coin, we ought, un- 
doubtedly, to infer, that the impofition of additional 
burdens neceflarily flopped the progrefs of num- 
bers. The average price of wheat, from 1692 to 
1699, was nearly eight Jhillings the buJJiel^ according 
to Fleetwood. There have been terrible years dearths 
if corn, faid Swift, and every place is ftrewed 
with beggars ^ but dearths are common in better 
climates, and our evils here lie much deeper. 

Neverthelefs, internal traffic flouriflied in th" 
mean time. In 1689, the manufadu res of cop- 
per, and brafs, were revived, rather than intro- 
duced. The fvvord-blade company, which fettled 
in Yorkfliire, " brought -j~ over foreign workmen.'* 
The French refugees improved the fabricks of 
paper, and of filk, efpecially the luteftrings, and 
alampdes; which were fo much encouraged by 
Parliament, that the weavers, being greatly in- 
creafed in numbers, as well as in infolence, before 
the year 1697, railed a tumult in London, againfh 



* Vol. iii, p. 369. 

f And. Chron. Ace, of Cera, vol. ii. p. 192, 



the 



^ AK ESTIMATE OF 

til e wearers of Eaft-India manufactures*. The 
eftablifbment of the Bank of England, In 1694, 
by facilitating public, and private, circulation, pro* 
duced all the falutary eifeds, that were originally 
foretold, becaufe it has been, conftantly, managed 
with a prudence, integrity, and caution, which 
have never been exceeded. By giving encourage- 
ment to fifheries. In 1695, a hardy race mud have 
been greatly multiplied ; and by encouraging, in 
1696, the making of hnens, fubfiftence was given 
to the young, and the old. 

The conclufion of every lengthened war, de- 
prives many men of fupport, who are, therefore, 
obliged to re-enter once more into the competitions 
of the world. Yet, Dodor Davenant f aflared the 
Marquis of Normanby, in 1699, "that we really 
want people, and hands, to carry on the woollen and 
linen manufactories to2:ether." Admittins; the 
truth of an alTertion, of which, indeed, there is no 
reafon to doubt, the obfervation is, altogether, con- 
fident with fads, and with principles. In lefs than 
two years, from the peace of llyfwick, the dif- 
banded idlers had been all engaged in the manu- 
factories, which we have ken eflabiiflied ; and in 
the foreign traffic, that has been fhewn to have 
ilouriflied fo greatly from this epoch, to the de- 
mife of King William. Now, what does the por- 
tion of Davenant prove, more, than that uncommon 



* And. Chron. Ace. of Com. vol. ii. p. 220. 
f ElTay on Eaft-India Trade, p. 46. 



demand 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 79 

demand never fails to produce remarkable fcarcity, 
till a fuffioient fupply has been found ? And Sir 
Jofiah Child was therefore induced, a hundred 
years ago, to lay it down as a maxim ; Such as 
our employment is for people^ fo many will our people 
be. Were we now to compare the circumftance, 
mentioned by Sir John Dalrymple, of the raifing 
of three-and-twenty regiments in fix weeks, dur- 
ing the year 1689, with the fad, ftated by Doc- 
tor Davenant, " of the fcarcity of hands," in 1699, 
we ought to infer, that an alteration of manners, 
owing to whatever caufe, had, in the mean time, 
taken place ; and that the lower orders of men had 
learned, from experience, to prefer the gainful em- 
ployments of peace to the lefs profitable, and more 
dangerous, adventures of war. 

Yet, admitting that the moral caitfes before -men- 
tioned had naturally produced an augmentation of 
numbers, during the reign of William, v/e ought 
here to remark, that the people who chiefly fliared 
in the felicities, or v/ere incommoded by the flic- 
tions of thofe times, mufl have drawn their firfl 
breath prior to the Revolution : the middle-aged, 
and the old, who enaded the laws, and as miniflers, 
or magiftrates, carried them into execution, mufl 
have been born, during the diftradlions of the 
civil wars, or amid the contefts of the adm.iniftra- 
tion of Charles I. : and the gallant youth, who 
fought by the fide of King William, muft have 
firfh feen the light foon after the Reflcration. 

But, it ought here to be Hated, as a circum- 

ilance^ 



So AN ESTIMATE OF 

ilance, which may be fuppofed to have checked 
the progrefs of population, that there had been 
adually ralfed, though with fome difficuhy, on 
nearly {twQR millions of people, in thirteen 
years* ^.58,698,688. 19s. Sd.; 

If we average this fum, by the number of years, 
we (liall gain a pretty exad idea of King William's 
annual income, - - - - ^ ^. 4,415,360 ^ 
And if, from this, we dedu6t King 

James's revenue, - - - 2,061,856; 

The balance of augmentation will be £. 2,453,504 

The principal of the public debt, 

on the 3ifl: of December, 1697, 

was, - - -^.21,515,743; 

whereon was paid an annual intereft 

of, -------- - ;^. 1,246,376. 

And, thefe fads (liew how much more the people 
were burthened in the latter, than in the former, 
reign. 

It has, neverthelefs, been proved, that manufac- 
tures fiourifhed in the mean time ; that there was 
a great demand for labour ; that the foreign traffic, 
and navigation of England, doubled, from the 
peace of Ryfwick, to the accellion of Queen Anne. 
For, the re-coinage of the filver, mean time, pro- 
duced an exhilarating effe6l on induflry, in the 
fame proportion as the debafement of the current 

* Mr. Aflle's Tranfcript. 

coin 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 8 I 

coin is always difadvantageous, to the lower or- 
ders, and diflionourable to the Hate. The revi- 
val of public credit, after the peace of Ryfwick, 
and the rifing of the notes of the Bank of Eng- 
land to par, ftrengthened private confidence, at 
the fame time, that thefe caufes invigorated our 
manufactures, and our trade. And, the fpirit of 
population was ftill more animated, by the many 
acts of naturalization, which were readily paiTed, 
during every feffion, in the reign of WiHiam ; and 
which clearly evince, how many indufbrious fo- 
reigners found fhelter, in England, from the perfe- 
cution of countries, lefs tolerant and free 



G 



82 AN EST I M ATE OF 



CHAP. V. 

Xhe War of.Q^iieen Anks.-^n^kt'^^^^^^^^ of the Na- 
tion. r-^'Xhh Lvffes of Tr^de.^—'^he Revival of 

- ^rade.— Complaints of its Decline. — I'he Laws of 
Queen Anney for promoting t-he Commercial hiterejis 
of the Nation, — The Union.— Reflexions . 

ANEW war, ftill more bloody, and glorious, 
than the former, enfued on the acceffion of 
Queen Anne. All Europe either hated the impe- 
rioufnefs, or dreaded, at length, the power of 
Lewis XIV. But, it was his " owning and declar- 
ing the pretended prince of Wales to be king 
of England, Scotland, and Ireland," which was the 
avowed caufe of the hofcilities of Great-Britain 
againd France, though private motives have gene- 
rally more influence than public pretences. When 
lier treafurer fat down to calculate the cofl, he found 
refources in his own prudence. Her general faw 
armies, and alliances, rife out of his own genius for 
war, a.nd negotiation. And both eftimated right, 
fince a favourable change had gradually taken 
place, in the fpirir, as well as in the abilities of the 
people. 

If 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. S3 

If we inquire more minutely, into the national 
ftrength, we Ihall find, that England, and Wales,now 
contained about - - 1,700,000 fighting men. 

The Union with Scotland, 

added to thefe about - 32,5,000 



So, the united kingdom 

contained - ~ - 2,025,000 



But troops, vv^ithout money, to carry them to war, 
with all that foldiers require, are of little avaiL 
And happy is it, for this nation, at leaft, that there 
is a fuccefiive rife, in the accumulations of our 
wealth, in the fame manner, as we have already 
feen, there is a continual progrefs in our popula- 
tion ; owing to the various means, which indivi- 
duals conilantly uiq, to meliorate their own con- 
dition. There can be little doubt, then, though^ 
Gregory King fuppofed the contrary, that the pro- 
du6tive capital, and annual gains of the people, were 
greater, at the acceflion of Anne, than they had 
been, during the preceding reign*, or in any former 
period. 

Godol- 



* After fo expenfive a war juft ended, fays Anderfon, it 
gave foreigners a high idea of the wealth and grandeur of 
England, to fee tivo millions Jierling fubfcribed for in three days, 
(by the newr Eaft India Company in 1698) and there were 
perfons ready to fubfcribe as much more : For, although fincc 

G i that 



S4 AN EST I MAT E OF 

.•^. jGodolphin, and Marlborough, had not to con- 
tend with the embarralTments, of their immediate 
predeceffors. The diforders of the coin, which 
had fo enfeebled the late adniiniftration, had been 
perfedly cured, by the great re-coinage of the lail 
reign. The high intereft, which had been given, 
and the ftill higher profit, that was made, by 
purchafing gOYernment-fecurities, had drawn, mean- 
while, much of the hoarded calh within the circle 
of commerce. No lefs than £. 3,400,000 of ham- 
mered money, which had been equally locked up, 
were brought into adlion, according to Davenant, 
by the adt for fupprefling it, in 1697. The Bank 
of England now lent its aid, by facilitating loans, 
and circulating exchequer bills. And the public 
debts, and additional taxes, filled circulation, at pre- 
fent, and gave it a6tivity; as they had equally 
produced fimilar effe6ls, when the Long Parlia- 
ment opened the coffers of England. Owing to 
all thofe caufes, the fliatefmen of the reign of Anne, 
borrowed money at five per cent, in 1702, and 
never gave more than Hx, during the war j which 
alone Qiews, how the condition of this country had 
happily changed, from the time, that feven and 
eight per cent, were paid, only a few years before. 



.t^at time, higher proofs have appeared, of the great riches of 
■^this nation, becaufe our wealth is very vifibly incrcafed ; yet, 
till then, continues he, there had never been fo illuftrious 
Sa ,jnftar\<;e of England's opulence. [ChrOR. Com. vol. ii. 

«■ The 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. ^"<f^ 

The principal of the public debt, on the 31ft of 
December 1701, amounted to - £. 16,394,701 ; 
whereon was paid an annual intereft 

of 1,109,1230 

The taxes yielded nett into the ex- 
chequer, during the year 1701 - ;(• 3,769,375. 

Of this inconfiderable revenue the ^^'■*' 

current fervices for the navy ab- 
forbed - - - ;f. 1,046,397 

the land fervice - - 425,998 

the ordnance - = - 49,940 

the civil lift - - - 704,339 



2,226,674 
There were applied to the 
payment of the prin- 
cipal, and intereft, of 
debts 1,411,912 



3,638,586 
Balance remaining unapplied - - - 130,789 



*^3-769.375- 



The nett fums paid into the exche- 
quer, during the year 1703, from 
" the cuftoms, excife, poft-office, 
land, and mifcellaneous duties - £, 5,561,944 



Mr. Aftle*s Tranfcript. 

G 3 Of 



S6 ANESTIMATEOF 

Of this film, there were iifued, for 
carrying on the war £.3,666,430 

For paying tlie civil lift: - 589,981 
the interefl of loans - 4SO,Q^oy 

Balance remaining, for 
the payment of loans, 
and other fervices - - 875,226 

■■ — *jC-5'56 1.944- 

The taxes, which were annually levied, on the 
people, during the prefent reign, may be calcu* 
lated, from the nett fums paid into the exchequer, 
in the years 1707 — 8 — 9 — 10, amounting, yearly, 
to £, 5,272,758. This gives us an idea fufficiently 
precife of the pecuniary powers, which could then 
be exerted by Britain. But, the military opera- 
tions of the government, were more extenfive, than 
the annual fuppiies of the parliament : So that, 
before Chriflmas 171 1, unfunded debts were con- 
traded to the amount of £. 9,471,325. This 
fum, was then too large, as it is faid, to be bor^ 
rowed, at any rate. The public creditors agreed 
to convert their claims into a capital, at a fpeci- 
fied interefl, with charges of management. And 
here is the origin, of the South Sea Company, and 
South Sea Stock, which, whatever help they now 
brought with them, in after times, were perverted 
\q very diilrefsful projedcs. 

♦ Mr. Aftle's Tranfcript, 

The 



THE STRENGTH OF O. BRIT^.I^^ S'J 

The fupplies, granted during the prefent reign, 
amounted to - - - ;^. 69,81 5^457. i ry. 3^6^, 
Theexpences of the war, as they were dated, by 
the comniiflioners of public accounts, amounted 
to ^ .... - ;f. 65,853,799. 8^.7-^.* 
And the national debt fwelled, before the 31ft 
December 1714, to r ;^. 50,644,306. 131. 6id.; 
on which was paid, an interefh of f^. 2,8 11,903, 
los. c^^d, and which were all more than counter- 
balanced, by the legiflative encouragements, that 
were given, in this reign, to domeftic induftry, and 
foreign trade. 

The furplus produce of our land, and labour, 
which was yearly exported, had, mean time, rifcQ 
to ;f .6,045,432 ; a circumftance, which equally 
evinces, that we had not yet much to fpare ; and 
confequently no vafl remittance, which could be 
annually fent abroad, for carrying on the war. 

The tonnage of Englilh lliips, which, from 
time to time, tranfported this cargo, and which, 
at that epoch, formed the principal nurfery for 
the royal navy, had increafed to - 273,693 tons; 
this (hipping mufl have been na- 
vigated, if we allow twelve men to 
every tw^o hundred tons, by - - 16,422 failors. 
By an enumeration % of the trading veflels, of 
England, in January 1 701, it appeared, that 

* Camp. Pol. Survey, vol. ii. p. 543. 

f Hift. of Debt, p. 80; which gives a particular ftatement, 

X A detail in the Plantation-office; 

G 4 London 



2S AN ESTIMATE OF 

London had - - 84,882 tons, 

The out-ports had 176,340 

— 261, 222 ; and 

that they were navigated by 1 63471 men, and 
120 boys, or 16,591 failors. 

The inconfiderable difference, between the enii- 
merated tonnage and mariners, and the tonnage 
and mariners, cleared at the ciiftom-houie, only 
marks, that feveral fliips had entered, more than 
once, and that, a greater number of men were 
then allowed to every veilel, than there are now; 
whence we may infer, that the calculation, and 
the enumeration, prove the accuracy of. each 
other. 

The royal navy, which, in Tons. Men. 

1695, had carried - - 1 12,000 and 45,000, 
had mouldered, before 

1704*, to - - - 104,754 — 41,000 



.'. * An admiralty-lifl, of all her Majefty's (hips, and veiTels, in 
fea-pay, at home and abroad, on the 27th of February 1703-4, 
with the higheft complement of men, and the numbers borne, 
muflered, and wanting. [From the Paper-office.] 

Number oF ihips. RateSc 

5 — . of — 2 
40 3 

57 4 

33 5 

16 — — — 6, befides fire-fhips, bomb$, 
and fmaller vefTels, all which 

Complement of Men. Borne. Muftcred. 

Contained 46,745 — 59>720 — 30,778 
Wanting r- — 7,025 — 15.967 

Its 



THE STRENGTH OF O. BRITAIN, 89 

Its real force will^ however, more clearly ap- 
pear, from the following detail * : 



Ships of the line employ- 








ed in - - 1702 - 


74 


in 1707 ■ 


- 7^ 


1703 - 


79 


— 1708 ■ 


. 69 


1704 > 


74 


— 1709 ■ 


■ 67 


1705 - 


79 


— 1710 ■ 


- 62 


1706 - 


78 


1711 • 


" 59 



Such, then, was the augmented ftrength of the 
nation, under Queen Anne. Let us now inquire 
into the loffes of our trade, during her glorious, 
but unprodudive, war. 

The effort of the belligerent powers, was made 
chiefly by land ; and the foreign trade, of Eng- 
land, feems to have rather languifhed, than to have 
been overpowered, as it had been, for a leafon^ 
during the preceding contefl:. Let hs examine 
the following proofs : 

Years, Ships cleared outwards. Value of cargoes. 



1700 



2 






Tons Englifb. Do foreign. Total. £. 



I I 273,693 - 43^635 - 3^7 >3^^ ' ^.045^432 



1705 — 5^3^^^9^^ 

1709 243,693 - 45,625 - 289,318 - 5,913*357 

1711 266,047 - 57,890 - 323,937 - 5,962,988 

J712 326,620 - 29,115 - 3S5y735 - 6,868,840 



Philip5*s State of the Nation, p, 35. 

The 



^O AN ESTIMATE O ? 

Tiic revenue of the poll-office *, on an 
Average of the four lafl years of 
William, yielded nett - - ^ - -^T. 82,319 

Ditto, of the four firil years of the war - 61,^68 

Thus, the year 1 705 marked the lowed flage of 
the depreffion of commerce, during Queen Anne's 
wars; whence it gradually rofe till 1712, the laft 
year of hoililities, when our navigation, and traffic^ 
had gained a manifeft fuperiority, over thofe of 
any former period of peace. 

Let us behold the rebound of this mighty fpring, 
when the return of tranquillity had removed every 
prelTure, by contrafling the average of the fhips, 
cleared outwards, and of the value of their cargoes, 
during the three peaceful years, preceding the war, 
with both, during the three years immediately fol- 
lowing the treaty of Utrecht. 



Years. Ships cleared outwards; Value of cargoes. 

Tons Englini. Do foreign. Total. £, 



1699*1 
1700?- 

14} 



293*703 " 43>625 - 337^328 - 6,709,881 
421,431 ~ 26,573 - 448,004 - 7.696,573 



Mr. A file's TranfcripL 



The 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 9I 

The nett annual revenue * ©f the pofl- 
office, according to an average of the 
years 1707— 8— 9— 10 * - - '£'5^y^5^ 

Ditto, on an average -f- of the yeafs 

171 1 — 12—13 — 14 - - • - - 90,223 



At the moment of this marvellous advance, in 
manufactures, traffic, and induftry, the people were 
taught to believe, that thefe blelTings fcarcely 
exifted among them. " Our trade," faid Mr. Wil- 
liam Wood, to King George I. J ** was then ex- 
piring; our foreign commerce, in many parts, 
entirely loll, and, in general, fufpended ; what little 
was left us was become too precarious to be called 
ours.'* And, in the encomiaftic flyle of his dedi- 
cation, he attributed our regeneration from " the 
loft condition our trade was then in, to his Ma- 
jefty*s timely acceflion." The minifters of this 
monarch did little honour to themfelves, by in- 

" * Mr. Aftle*s Tranfcnpt. 

f And. Chron. Com. vol. ii. p. 266 : But, the office had 
been now extended to every dominion of the crown, and the 
rates of poftage, nugmented one-third, from 17 10. The poll- 
office revenue, fays Anderfon, is a kind of politicO'Commercial 
pul/e of a nation*s profperity, or decline. 

X Wood's Dedication of The Sur'vey of Trade. This was 
not the fame William Wood, who obtained the patent for coin- 
ing Irifh halfpence, which procured him fo much celebration, 
by Swift ; but it was the William Wood, who was, afterwards, 
appointed to the office of Secretary to the Commiffioners of 
the Cuitoms. 

citing 



92 A N E S T I M AT E OF 

citing all that clamourj or by propagating lb much 
fadious falfehood. It was not the peace of Utrecht, 
which promoted the unexampled profperity of our 
commercial affairs ; but, it was peace. Yet, faid 
Archibald Hutchinfon, in 1720, It istoowellknowny 
and a fad truth it is, that the balance of trade, has 
been, for fome time, againfi us. The caufe,|why de- 
clamations prevail fo greatly, faid Hooker, is, for 
that men fuffer themfelves to be deluded. 

The public revenue, had now been divided into 
thteflab lifted income, as the inland duties, the eX- 
cife, and the cuftoms : and into ^;/;zw^/^r<^;//j-, as 
the malt, and the land taxes. The inland duties, 
coniifting, at the demife of the Queen, of fifteen 
diftind heads, v^re all managed, by diftind com- 
miflioners, and may be eftimated, at the yearly 
amount of ^.453,002, from an average of the 
years 1707 — 8 — 9 — 10. The excife, properly fo 
called, and colleded, under the peculiar manage- 
ment of the commini oners of excife, confided of 
twenty-feven different articles, and may be calcu- 
lated, from the fame average, at £. 1,629,245, 
including the duty on malt. And we may thence 
determine, how much it may have obflruded labour, 
and checked theprogr^fs of population. The net t 
cuftoms, arifmg from our imports, and exports, 
confifted then, of forty-one different branches, and 
may be calculated from a fifteen years average, 
from 1700, to 1 7 14 inclufive, to have amountecl 

* Philips's State of the Nation. 

Having 



ITHE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 93 

. Having enumerated " that fad detail of taxes," 
the hiftorian of our debts exclaitns : " Can we 
wonder at the decay of our commerce, under fuch 
circumftances ? Should not we rather wonder that 
we have any left ? " Bat, what regard is there due 
to a general inference, rn oppofition to authentic 
fads ? It has been already demonftrated that, in 
no former effluxion of time, did the manufactures, 
and trade of England, flourilli fo much, or amount 
to fo large an extent, as at the demife of Queen 
Anne, notwithftanding the greatnefs of our im- 
pofbs, and the immenfity of our debts. And, when 
we confider, too, that the taxes had produced 
abundantly, we may, from thefe decifive circum- 
iiances, certainly conclude, that the war had little 
incommoded the induflrious claffes ; and that- the 
principle of procreation exerted its powers, while 
an attentive diligence preferved a numerous- pro- 
geny, by furnifhing the conftant means of fubiift- 
ence, while there was a vaft export of corn, owing 
to Its cheapnefs at home. 

Whoever examines the laws of Queen Anne, 
with a view to this fubjedl, mufl be of opinion, 
that they all tended to promote the commercial 
interefts, and local improvements, of the nation, 
as fuch interefts were then underllood. In this 
reign, there were ads of Parliament paiTed, 



For 



$4 A N E S T I M A t E O ? 

■ For encouraging (hipping, and foreign trade - 1 7 
For promoting manufadures • - - > . r 
For roads, churches, bridges, and paving — 26 
For piers, harbours, &c. - ^-. -,. i^ 
For inclofures, and agricultural improvements 8 
For the management of the poor - - - ^ 

For all thefe ufeful purpofes - - 71 

But, the union of the two kingdoms, is the 
glory, and ought to be the boafl, of her reign. 
The incorporation of two independent legiflatures 
has proved equally advantageous to both coun- 
tries, whether we regard the interefts of the ftate, 
or the happinefs of the governed. When we con- 
iider the weaknefs, which refuked from the ancient 
inroads of the Scotch 5 and the danger of future 
feparation, we mufl allow, that this conjundion 
was woith, to England, almofl any price. And 
the comprefTion of the hearts, and hands, of two 
divided nations, gave an elaiticity, and vigour, to 
the united kingdoms, which, feparately, neither had 
ever attained. If, as communities, fo much ftrength, 
andfehcity, were derived from the Union, the Scot- 
tifli people, as individuals at lead, were flill greater 
gainers, from this affociation of interefts, and aifec- 
tions. Freed from the tyranny of the nobles, by 
being admitted into a political fyftem more Hberal 
than their own, the people of Scotland^ thence- 
forth, enjoyed the fame privileges, as {imilar ranks, 
in England, had long derived, from fortunate events, 

5 <^^ 



tHE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. . 95 

or wife ihftitutions. And, invefted with the fame 
benefits of commerce, the Scotch meliorated their 
agriculture, improved their manufaclures, extended 
their trade, and acquired an opulence, which, as a 
people, feparate, and overlhadowed, they had not^ 
for ages, accomphflied. The acquifitions of both 
happily proved advantageous to each. And, while 
the Englifli buiily cultivated the peculiar arts of 
peace.) the Scotch were brought, by a wife policy, 
from their mountains, the natural nurfery of war 
riors, to fight the national battles of both. 

From the^ epoch of the Union, the fame fala- 
tary regulations promoted equally the profperity, 
and populoufnefs, of Great Britain. Among thefe 
Anderfon * has recorded the ufefui reviial, in 
1 7 10, of the ancient aflize of bread, and ale, 
[1266]; becaufe *' it was fo necefTary for our 
labourers, and artificers, as well as for all other 
people.'* Whatever number of lives were loft, 
during the wars of William, and Anne, it feems 
certain, fays that induftrious compiler, '^ that the 
artificers of England did irreparable damage, m 
the mean time, to the French, by robbing them 
of many of their beft manufadures, wherewith they 
had before fupplied almofl all Europe." 

The foregoing details, caft a jufl cenfure on the 
furious party-contefts, during the lafl years of 
Queen Anne, in refped to the condition of our 
commerce j as if the profperity, or the ruin of 

* Chron. Com. vol. ii. p. 251. 

manu- 



9^ . AKESTIMATEOF 

manu factories, and trade, were influenced by the 
continuance of ftatefmen in the pofleffion of emo- 
lument, or in the expedation of power. The 
hufbandman, and the failor, only look for employ- 
ment, the mechanic and the merchant, only in- 
quire for cuftomers, without caring, who are their 
rulers, fince they feldom gain from the contefts of 
the great, and certainly know, that they enjoy pro- 
tedlion from the adminiftration of juflice, and from 
the operation of law. 



tHE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 97 



CHAP. VL 

PoreigH Difputes of George L — The State of the 
Natidn. — Obfervations. — TheProgrefs of Commerce ; 
and Shipping, — Complaints of a Decline of Trade ^ 
-—Induftry^ and traffic^ encouraged. — Remarks. 

WHILE George I. who afcended the thror.e, 
in 1 7 14, was, in fecret, little anxious about 
the enjoyment of his crown, amid the clafh of do- 
meftic parties, he engaged, fucceilively, in conteils 
with almoft every European power ; becaufe each, 
in its turn, had given protedion to the Pretender 
to his rights. 

But, the foreign difputes of this reign were fhorC, 
as well as unexpenfive : And they did not, there- 
fore, call forth the whole force of the kingdonii > 
which may be deduced in the following manner. 

If the current of population continued its pro- 
grefs, as we have feen it did, to the commencernent 
of the prefent reign, the fighting men muft ne- 
ceflarily have amounted, during the time of George 
I. to two milhons and fifty thoufand.- And the 
effedive wealth of the country, there is reafon to 
think, had accumulated meanwhile in a ftili 
greater proportion ; from preceding encourage- 
ments, and the augmentation oif capitals. 

H Owing 



98 AN E S t IM'ATE Of 

Owing to the increafe of circulation, wliicli 
enables the opulent to convert fo ealily land into 
coin, or coin into land, and to the accumulation 
too of moveable property, the interefh of money 
began to fall towards the end of King William's 
reign, when no great balance of trade flowed into 
the kingdom. And the natural interefh continu- 
ing low, even amid the preiTures of the fubfequent 
war, the Parliament enaded, in 17 13, that the 
legal interefh fhould not rife higher than five per 
cent, after September 17 14. Thus England,, 
while ftie was yet embarralTed with the never-fail- 
ing confequences of war, gained " that abate- 
ment of interefh, by law," which Sir Jofiah Child 
rather too fondly iniifhed, during the preceding 
age, would produce fo many benefits to his coun- 
try: The advance of the price of lands in the pur- 
chafe ; the improvement of the rent of farms ^ the 
employment of the poor-, the midtipli cation of artifi- 
cers-^ the increafe of foreign trade -^ and the aug- 
mentation of the ftocks of people. The natural in- 
terefh of money fell to three per cent, in the reign 
of George I. while the government feklom bor- 
rowed at more than four. 

The pra.d:ice of borrov^ang, on behalf of the 
fi:ate, had commenced with the preiTures of King,. 
William's reign. This policy was continued, and 
extended, during the wars of Anne. But, in the 
. time of her fucceflbr, the contrad; between the 
government, and the lenders, was not fo much 
made, as in preceding times, for the re-paym*ent 

of 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 99 

of the principal, as for an annuity^ inflead of in- 
tereft. 

The nation had thus contra6ted a debt, before 
the 31ft of December, 1714) of - f^- 505644,307 ; 



to pay the interefl of which re- 
quired, from the land and labour 
of this kingdom, yearly - - ;^. 2,8"ii,904. 



it ought to be remefnbered, however, that this 
debt was due by the nation, in its colledtive capa- 
city ; but, that individual creditors had acquired 
a vaft capital in it, of the more importance to 
them, and the public ; as, befides yielding an an- 
nual profit, it was equally commiodious as coin, 
for all the ufes of life 5 fmce it could be eafily 
pledged, or transferred. And land-owners were^ 
thereby, enabled to improve their eftates, manu- 
fadturers to carry on their bufmefs, traders to ex- 
tend our commerce, and every one to pay their 
taxes. If by this debt, and by this annuity, the 
ftate was fomewhat embarraffed, the induftrious 
clalTes derived, probably, fome advantage from 
the a6live motion, which was thereby given to the 
circulating value of all things. Yet, ifthepeo^ 
pie received no pofitive benefit, they were, at leaft, 
enabled, by this facility, to fuflain actual burdens, 
with greater cafe. 

While taxes were, without rigour, colleded 

from annual income, and not from produdive ca- 

H 2 pitalj 



100 AN ESTIIvfAtE OF 

pital, a financial operation was performed, in 1 7i'6v 
which gradually relieved the enibarraffments of 
the ftate, and gave frefh vigour to circulation, that 
energetic principle of commercial times. All thofe 
taxeS;, which had^, from time to time, been granted 
for the payment of various annuitiesy were^ at once, 
made perpetual, and direded to be paid into" three 
great funds. The interefl of the public debts was 
reduced from fix per cent, to five. And whatever 
furplufes might remain, after paying this liqui- 
dated interefl:, were ordered to be thrown into a 
fourth fund, Vx'hich was thenceforth called the 
finking fund ', becaufe it was deiigned to pay off the 
principal;, and interefl, of fuch debts, as had been 
contracted, before Chriftmas 171 6. 

So produdive were the taxes, owing to the 
profperity of the people, that thofe furplufes 
amounted, before the end of the reign of George I. 
to £, 1,083,190*. And thofe furplufes would 
have made the country fhill more profperous,., had 
the finking fund been conftantly applied,, as. it was 
thus originally defigned -, by keeping, circulation 
full and overfiowingy. and- thereby preventing what 
is commonly deplored, as afcarcity of money.. 

Notwithftanding. that falutary operation, and 
our manufadlures and trade were, at the fame time, 
greatly encouraged, the capital of the public debts 
amounted to nearly as much at the demife of 
George T. as it had been at his acceffion, though 
the annuity, payable on them, was by thofe means 
* Exchequer account, in the Hiftory of Debts» 

fome- 



THE STRiENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. lOI 

fomewiiat reduced; as appears by the following 
ftatement: The principal of the national debt 
was, on the 

31ft of December, 1714 i^. 53,65ij076,5 the intereft thereon ^.2,811,904. 
D° on 2^^ Dec. 1727 52,092,235; Dicco - 2,363,564. 



Th^intera^ediatediml-? ^.,^558,841 - ^.448,34^ 

nution - - - -3 



We fiiall, however, gain a more ad-equate notion, 
■not only of the public revenue, and burdens, but 
of the refources of the nation, from the follow- 
ing detail : 

The net excife, according to a me- 
dium of four years, ending at Mi- 
chaelmas, 1726, (exclufive of the 
malt-tax) - - - /. 1,927,354 
The net annual cufhoms ^o 30^3 61 
Vario:as,,andpromifcuous 

internal taxes - - 666,459 

Total appropriated ■ /. 4,1 24,1 74 

The land-tax at is. in 

the pound,was given for;^, i jOOO.,ooq 
Malt - duty brings in 
^'.680,000, but 'is gi- 
ven for - - - - 750,000 
Raifed by lottery - - 730,000 
Total annual o-rants 
j[or current lervices — — 2,500,000 

XI ^ Net 



lOZ AN ESTIMATE OF 



Net annual revenue - - - £.6,624,175 
Charges of colledlion - - - 600^000 



The grofs fum raifed, yearly, on 

the people ^ - ~ - - £.7,224,175 



The public expenditure was <ls follows: 

Intereft of a debt of £. 50)793?555*5 
including the furpius of the civil 
lift, which is £. 3,678 per annum, 
£, 2,240,985 

The civil lift - - - 800,000 



3^040.9^5 

Surplus of the finking fund - 1,083,190 

The current fervices of the army, 

navy, &c. - - ^ - - - 2,500,000 

The annual charges, with current . 

fervices ------- 6,624,175 

Salaries, and other charges, at leaft, 600,000 



Grofs fum annually applied - £. 7,224,175, 



The value of the furpius products of the land,; 
and labour, of England, after domeflic confump- 
tion, was fully fupplied, amounted, yearly, at the 
acceffion of George I. to £. 8,008,068, ; which 

* But, according to James Poftlethwayt's Hiflory of the 
Public Revenue, the national debt, on the 31(1 of December^ 
1726, was j^. 52,771^005 ; whereon was paid aa annuity of 

£.Z,K^62:2iy. 

forme4 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. IO3 

formed a much larger cargo than had ever be^n 
exported before. And, from this circumllance, we 
might infer, that there was now employed a 
greater capital in trade than, by means of its pro- 
ductive employment, had, in any prior age, pro- 
moted the wealth and greatnefs of Britain. 

The Englifh (hipping, which exported that vafh 
cargo, at the accellion of George L had then in- 
creafed to------- 444,843 tons > 

which mufl have been navigated, 

if we allow twelve mariners to 

every two hundred tons, by - 26,691 men. 



The royal navy, which had been 

principally left by Queen Anne, 

carried in 1 7 15 - . - - 167,596 tons.. 
Wood ftated * the amount of the 

navy, in 1 721, at - - - - 158,133 tons: 



which, faid he, is more than in 
1688, by 57,201 tons ^ 
and more 

than in. 1 6 60, by 95,639. 



Notwithftanding the boafls of 
¥/ood, and the glory acquired 
by defeating the Spaniih fleet, in 
1718, it is apparent, that the 
navy had lately fuftained a di-. 
minution of - - - - - 9)3^3 tons. 

* Sun'ey of Trade, p. 55. 

H 4 Having 



104 AN ESTIMATE OF 

Having faid thus much, with regard to the 
fbrength of Britain, let us now examine the loiles 
of our trade, from the petty wars of the prefent 
reign ; which feem not, indeed, to have much in- 
terrupted the foreign commerce of the kingdom, 
while falutary regulations excited the domeftic in-, 
duftry of the people. 

Owing, probably, to a complication of caufes, 
the traffic, and navigation, of England, appear to 
have flruggled with their oppreffions, during this 
reign, but never to have rifen much fuperior to 
the amount of both, in the year of the acceffion of 
George I. The following details offer fufficient 
proofs of the truth of this reprefentation : 

Ships cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes. 

Years. Tons Englifli, D*^ foreign. ToUl. £. 

iyi4. 444.^43 " 33^95^ " 47^^793 - 8,008,068 

15 406,392 - 19,508 - 425,900 - 6,922,263 

16 438,816 - J 7,493 - 45^0^9 - 7^049^992^ 



1718 427.962 - 16,809 - 444.771 -6,361,390 
23 392,643 - 27,040 - 419.683 - 7,395'9P8 



We fhall fee, however, a progrefs, if we contrafh 
the averages of pur navigation, and trade, at the 
beginning, and at the end, of George Fs reign ^ 
and if Vv^e aifo recoiled-, that the bufinefs of 1726, 
and 1727, was fomewhat interrupted by war^ or 
by preparations for war, 

ghips 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 1^5 

Ships cleared Outwards, 
y.ears. Value of Cargoes. 

■/ 7 1 ^ 1 Tons Engli^. D° foreisn. Total. £. 

14 [ 421,431 - 26,573 - 448,004 - 7,696,573 

1726 

27 )' 432.832 ^ 23,651 - 456,483 - 7,891,739 



28 



1 



During this progrefs there were, however, ^* a 
general complaint arid concern of the nation, on the 
fubjed of a decline of trade*,'' Jofhua Gee piib- 
lifhed, in 1729, his treatife, which, in order "to 
Ihew the wounds our commerce, and manufaclures, 
had received, he put into the hands of the minifhers, 
of the King, the Queen, and the Prince |.'' Whea 
Erafmus Philips wrote his State of the Nation fia 
1 725* J, he found '* fome men fo gloomy, that 
they thought us in a worfe condition than we really 
are, and that it woujd be impoffible to pay off the 
public debts ; fmce all this pomp is nothing but 
falfe luftre ^ as we owe more than we are worth ; 
as our money is diminifhed ; and as we have little 
left but paper credit.'* Againfl this contempora^ 
nepus declamation, which fhews that man, in every 
age, utters his lamentations in a fimilar tone, Phi- 
JUips ftated, what experience has fliewn to have 
been undoubtedly true, the certain proofs of the 

* Wood's Survey. 

f Gee's Dedication. 

X Preface to The State of the Nation-^ which, as well as 
Wood's Sur'vey, was dedicated to the King, according to the 
j)fa(^ice of the times, 

-^rofperity 



I 06 • ■ A N ■ E S T r- M A T E O ? 

profperity and opulence of a cmmiry :^, gre,at numbers 
qf^thMu^wUs p£G])le,y a rich commonalty y money at 
low, int^reft -^ ZY^Alaud at a great value, 

'N'evertb^elefs, there were alTuredl)?^ 'events, dur- 
ing the reign of George I. which cafl a gloom 
over the nation, and cbftruded general profperity. 
The perfecutions of the great, on the acceffion of 
a,..nysw family, which were followed by the tumults 
ojf ithe mean, ought to give a leiTon of moderation;, 
iince , th^y were attended with no good confe- 
quencQS Xo the ftate. The fubfequen,t rebellion 
of 1715 brought W4th ita twelvemonth of diftrac- 
t ion,, without leaving the terrors of example. - 
And the war with Spgiin, in 1718, obftrudled our 
Mediterranean con:imerce, as every war with that 
kingdom muil continue to do, while Gibraltar, the 
great caufe of hofliilities, remains, and bids the 
Spaniards defiance. Bur, it was the infamous year, 
i.y20, which diverted all claiTes to projects and 
bubbles, that ought to be blotted from our annals, 
if they did not form remarkable beacons to direct 
our future courfe. 

Of this reign it is the charaderiftic, that, though 
in no period were there fo many laws enacted, for 
promoting dome (lie and foreign trade, j^et, at no 
time did both profper lefs, during thofe days of 
captious peace, rather than avowed hoftilities. The 
treaty of commerce, with Spain, in 17 15, mufl 
have jnfpired our traders v/ith frelh vigour. The 
law which. In 1718, prohibited any Britifli fub-\ 
jrcl from carrying on traffic to the Eaft, under^ 

foreign 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. lO/ 

foreign commillions, turned their ardour upon 
more invigorating objeds, by preventing produc- 
tive capital from being lent abroad. The mea- 
fure of allowing the exportation of BritiJJi-made 
linen^ duty free^ in 1717, gave us a manufadure, 
which is faid, even then^ to have employed many 
thoufands of the poor. And the fifli cries were 
encouraged by bounties, which muft have multi- 
plied the important race of our mariners. 

The falutary laws, which v/ere made for incit- 
ing domeilic induftry, were, doubtlefs, more effica- 
cious in the fubfequent reign, than they were ielt, 
in any great degree, during the prefent. The ma- 
nufadlories of iron, of brafs, and of copper, being 
confidered as the third in extent, fmce they em- 
ployed, as it is faid ^ in 1719, two hundred and 
thirty thoufand perfons, were promoted with the 
attention, which was due to their im_portance. 
The continued encouragement, that had been given 
to the fabrics of filk, and the eredion of the vafh 
machine of Lom.b, in 1719, had raifed the annual 
value of this manufadture to ;^. 700,000, in 17225 
more, as it is flated, than it had yielded, at the 
Revolution. 

But, the year 1722 muft always form an epoch, 
as memorable for a great operation in commercial 
policy, as the euablifhment of the finking fund, 
had been in finarice, a few years before. The Par- 
liament had, indeed, in 1672, withdrawn the duties, 
which were then payable by alisris, on the expor- 
tation of onr^ozvn manufactures. This falutary 

principle 



I*0>B AN ESTIMATE OF 

prineiple was ftill more extended in 1700, by 
removing the impofts on every kind of woollen 
goods, that fliould be thereafter fent abroad. It 
was, however, by -the law for the further encourage-- 
menl of manufaBttres, that every one was allowed 
to export, duty free y all merchandizes, the produce 
of Gjea^t Britain, except only fuch articles, as fhould 
be deemed materials of manufacture; while drugs, 
and other goods ufed for dyeing, were equally per- 
mitted to be imported duty free. And other faci- 
lities wxre, at the fame time, given to trade, whilft 
the iiflieries were promoted by bounties. 

After enumerating all preceding meafures of 
encouragement, Anderfon* remarks in 1727, that 
nothing can more obvioufly demonftrate the amaz- 
ing increafe of England's commerce, in lefs than 
two centuries pafl:, than the great growth of its 
manufaduring towns, fuch as Liverpool, Man- 
chefler, Birmingham, and others ; which are fliill 
increafnig in wealth, people, bufinefs, and build- 
ings. Yet, Lord Molefworth -f complained, in 
1 721, ^^ that we are not one-third peopled, and 
our ilock of men daily decreafes through our 
wars, plantations, and fea-voyages." His lord^ 
fhip was arguing, when he made this obferva- 
tion, for a general naturalization, a policy of very 
doubtful merit J becauie, in all fudden change, there 

* Chron. Com. vol. ii. p. 314. 

f Pref. to his tranfladpn of Hottpman's Fra.oco-Gallia, 
?d edit. p. 23 — 4. 

h 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. lOg 

is coniiderable inconvenience ; and he may have^ 
therefore, been biafled by his principle. If this 
nobleman intended to add his teftimony to an 
apparent fa(5t, that he faw no labourers to hire, his 
evidence would only prove, t/iat the indnjirioiis 
clajfes zvere fully employed}, and employment never 
fails to promote population. If his lordfhip only 
meant to give vent to his laudable anxieties for 
his country, this circumftance would lead us to 
infer, that great as well as little minds are too apt 
to complain of the miferies of the prefent. 

When we our betters fee bearing our woes^, 
We fcarcely think our miferies our fc^es* 



no AN ESTIMATE O^ 



CHAP. VIL 

T/ie State of the Nation, at the AcceJJion of George IL— 
Remarks thereon. — The Increafe of Trade, andShip-^ 
ping. — Complaints of their Decline. — RefleBions.-^ 
Our Strength, when War began in 1739. — Our 
Trade, and Shipping, during the tVar. — The Prof- 
perity of both, at the Ref oration of Peace. — Com- 
plaints of Decline. — Remarks. 

TH E reign of George IL with whatever 
fmifter events it opened, will be found to 
have promoted greatly, before its fuccefsful end, 
the induftry, and produdlive capital of the nation > 
and, confequently, the efiicient numbers of the 
people, by the means of augmented employments. 

He found his kingdom burdened with a funded 
debt, of rather mor€ than fifty millions ; which 
required annually, from the land and labour of the 
nation, taxes to the amount of tw^o millions, and 
upwards, to pay the creditor's annuity. 

But, as his predeceilbr reduced, ten years before, 
the interefl payable on the public debts, from fix 
per cent, to five, the adminiftration of the prefent 
King made a further redudtion, with the confent 
of all parties, from five per cent, to four, in 1727, 
Thefe meafures, which the fortunate circumfiances 
3 ^^ 



THE STRENGTH OF -G. BRITAIN, ^II;! 

of the times, rendered eafy, and fafe, not only 
Itrengthened public and private credit, but, by 
reducing the natural interefl of money ftili more, 
mufh have thereby facilitated every operation of 
domeflic manufadtures, as well as every effort of 
foreign trafnc. The fabrics of wool were, at tlie 
fame time, freed from fraud. And the peace with 
Spain, in 1728, muft have invigorated our export- 
ations to the Mediterranean the more, as a truce 
was then alfo made with Morocco. 

Yet, party-rage ran fo high, in 1729, fays An- 
derfon*', ihat the friends of the minifter found 
themfelves obliged to prove, by JaEis^ what was 
before generally known to be true, that 'Britain 
zvas then in a thriving condition : the low intereft of 
money, faid they, demonftrates a greater plenty 
of caih than formerly; this abundance of money 
has raifed the price of lands from twenty and 
twenty-one years purchafe, to twenty and twenty- 
five \ an advance, which proves that there v/ere 
more perfons able and ready to buy than for- 
merly : — And the great funis, which were of late 
expended in the inclofing, and improving of lands^ 

* Chron» Com. vol. ii. p. 322. — The caufc of the above- 
mentioned party-rage is now fufficiently known. Sir Spertcer 
Compton outwitted himfelf in the bargain for place, about 
Queen Caroline's jointure. "^ Sir R. Walpole did noc higgle 
with her Majeily about a hundred thoufand pounds; and he 
was, in return, continued the niinijter.- But, the profperity 
of the people is no wife connefled with the interelled co;i- 
telb among the grmt, 

and 



t it AN ESTIMATE OP 

and in opening mines, are proofs of an augmenta- 
tion of opulence, and people ; while the increafed 
value of our exports, fliews an increafe of manu- 
fa6lures ; at the fame time that the greater number 
of fliipping, which were cleared outwards, marks 
the wider extent of our navigation. 

If we compare the averages of our veffels, and 
cargoes, in the firft years of the prefent reign, with 
thofe of the three years of peace, which preceded 
the war of 1739, we (hall fee all thofe truths in a 
flill more pleaiing light. 

Years. Ships cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes. 

Tons Eng. D° foreign. Total. £ 

432,832 - 23,651 - 45M83 - 7'9iS,4o6 



1726] 

27 \ 

28 J 



37 y 47M41 - 26,627 - 503,568 - 9,993,232 
38J 

It was at this moment of unexampled profpe- 
fity, that the elder Lord Lytteitcn wrote Con- 
fi derations on the prefent State of Affairs^ (i73^)« 
" In mofi: parts of England," fays he, " gentle- 
men's rents are fo ill paid, and the weight of 
taxes lies fo heavy upon them., that thofe, .who 
have nothing from the Court, can fcarce fupport 
their families. — Such is the ftate of our manufac- 
tures, fuch is that of our colonies ; both fhould 
be enquired into, that the nation may know, whe- 
ther the former can fupport themfelves much 
longer under their various prelTures.'* The edi- 
tor of his lord (hip's works would have done no 

dilTervice 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. IIJ 

differvice to the memory of a worthy man, had 
he configned this fadious effufion to anonymous 
obfcurity. Animated by a congenial fpirit. Pope 
too wrote Conjideratmis on the State of Affairs: 
in his two dialogues, entitled thirty-eight, he 
reprefents, in moft energetic language, and exqui- 
fite numbers, the nation as totally ruined', as over'- 
zvhelmed with corruption : 

*' See thronging millions to the Pagod run, 
And ofFer country, parent, wife^ or fon ! 
Hear her bleak trumpet through the land proclaim, 
That not to be corrupted is the {hame," 

It was about the fame time alfo, that William 
Richardfon compofed his Effay " On the Caiifes of the 
Decline of Foreign Traded But, it is not eafy to 
conceive, that any difquifition can be more de- 
praved, than a treatife to explain the caufes of an 
effeEi^^hAch did not exift. 

It was the evident purpofe of fome of thofe 
writers to drive the nation headlong into war, 
without thinking of any other confequences, than 
acquiring power, or gratifying fpleen ; and with- 
out caring how much a people, reprefented as un- 
able to pay thetr rents, might be burthened with 
taxes > or a country, pamted as feeble from difii- 
pation, might be difgraced, or conquered. 

If the nation had thus profpered in her affairs, 

and the people thus increafed in th^ir numbers. 

Great Britain muil have contained, when fhe was 

I fadioufly 



114 AN ESTI M ATE OF 

fadlloully forced into war with Spain, a greater 
number of fighting men than had ever fought 
her battles before. And flie miifl: have poflelTed 
a mafs of productive capital, and a great nefs of 
annual income, far fuperior to thofe of former years. 

The courfe of circulation had filled, and even 
overflowed. The natural intereft of money ran 
fl:eadily at three per cent. The price of all the pub- 
lic fecurities had rifen fo much higher than they 
had been, in an}^ other period, that the three -per 
cent, flocks fold at a premium on 'Change*. And 
the annual furplufes of the ftanding taxes, as they 
were paid into the finking-fund, amounted, in 
1738, to no lefs a fum than ^^. 1,231,127. 

Of this fund, it has been very properly obferved, 
that, while it contributes to the liquidation of 
former debts, it flill more facilitates the contrad- 
ing of new ones. But, the great contefl among 
the public creditors, at that fortunate epoch, was 
not fo much, who fliould be paid his capital, as 
who fliould be fufFered to remain the creditors of 
the ftate f . How much of the public debts had 
been paid, during the laft ten years, and how much 
fliill remained, as a burden on the flate, will appear 
from the following detail : 



* Sir J. Barnard's fpeecli for the reduclion of intereft, 
t Id. 



On 



THE STRENGTH OF G.BRITAIN, II5 

On the 31ft Dec. 172S, 

the principal was ;(C- 5i>o^^>4-3' 5 — the intereft - ;(^, 2,137,7^4 

Ditto - 1738 46,661,7675 — Ditto - - - 1,962,053 



The, intermediate diminu- 
tion ;^. 4,366,664 /• i75>729 



The value of the furplus produce of our land, 
and labour, which were then exported, amounted, 
yearly, to j£. 9,993,232 ; and which might have 
been applied, when fent to foreign countries, as 
remittances, for carrying on the war at the greatefb 
diftance. It is indeed an acknowledged fad, that 
during no effluxion of time, was there ever fuch 
coniiderable balances paid to England, as there 
were tranfmitted, in the courfe of the war df 
1739, on the general ilate of her payments. 

The Engliili fhipping, which adually tranf- 
ported that vaft cargo of f^. 9j993>232, amounted, 
annually, to 476,941 tons; which were navigated 
probably by 26,616 men, who might have been 
all engaged, in the public fervice, either by influ- 
ence, or force. 



1 2r There 



Il6 AK ESTIMATE OP 

There had, meanwhile, been an equal progrefs, 
in the augmentation of the royal navy ; which 
carried 

Tons, 
in 1727 ~ — 170,862 
in 1741 — — 198,387 
in 1749 — — 228,215* 



, Thus much being premifed, as to the flate of 
our ilrength, we fliall gain a fufiicient knowledge 

• An admiralty-lift, in the Paper-office, gives us the fol- 
lowing detail of the King's Ihips in fea-pay, on the 19th July 
1738. 

Ships. 

Stationed in the Plantations - 24 carrying 5,045 men, 

in the Mediterranean, 17 - - 5,011 

at Newfoundland, 3 - - 690 

Ordered home, -----4- - 720 

On the Irifh coaft, ----6- - 550 

At home, ------41- - 9,602 



95 23,618 mariners. 

By preparations for a naval war, the foregoing liil had been 
fwelled, before March 1739, to 147 Ihips, carrying 38,849 
men. Bat their numbers were defedlive, in 4,758 borne, and 
in 8,618 muftered.— From the fame authority, we have the 
following abftra6l of the royal navy, in June 1748; which, 
when compared with the lift of 1738, gives us an idea fuffi- 
ciently precife oithejieet of England, during the; war of 1739. 

It confifted of - - - 89 Ihips of the line, 
of - - - 153 frigates, 

242; whofe complement of 
men was 60,654. 

of 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. II7 

of the condition of our navigation, and commerce, 
during the war of 1739, by attending to the fub- 
joined detail of our mercantile (hipping, and car- 
goes : 

Years Ships cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes. 

J J 26 ) Tons Englilh. Do foreign. Total. £. 

37 ? 476'94i - 26,627 - 503,568 - 9,993,232 



38 



^739 

40 } 384,191 - 87,260 - 471,451 - 8,870,499 

41 

1744 373,817 - 72,849 - 446,666 - 9,190,621 

^747 394.571 - 101.671 - 496,242 . 9;775,34o 

1748 479^236 - 75,477 - 554.713-11,141,202 



Thus tlie year 1744 marked the ultimate point 
of commercial depreflion, if we may judge, from 
the tonnage ; and 1 740, if we draw our inference, 
from the value of exports : Yet, whether we argue 
from the one year, or from the other, we muft 
conclude, that the interefb of merchants was little 
injured, if it were not promoted, by this naval 
war. 

But, we fliall at once fee how little our induf- 
trious claffes had been oppreiTed by the war, at 
home, and with what elafticity the fpring of foreign 
trade rebounded, on the removal of warfare, by 
comparing the averages of our navigation, and 
1 3 commerce, 



Il8 AN ESTIMATE OF 

commerce, during the peaceful years, before hoftl- 
lities began, and after they ended : 

Years. Ships cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes. 

I7''6 -^ Tons Znglifh. D" foreign. Total. ;^. • 

37 ? 47^>94i - 26,627 - 503,568 - 9,993,232 
38) 

17497 

50 > 669,798 -51,386 - 661,184-12,599,112 

During the foregoing fifty years of uncommon 
profperity, as to our agriculture * and manufac- 
ture, our navigation, and traffic, and credit, the 
incumbrances of the public, and the burdens of 
tlie people, equally continued to increafe. The 
debt, which was left at the demife of Queen Anne, 
remained undiminirhed, in its capital, at the demife 
of George I. though the annuity payable on it 
had been leiTened almoft a million. The ten 

* Tt appears, by an account laid before the Parliament, 
that there had been exported in yf-y^ years, from 1744. to 1748, 
corn, from England, to the amount of 3,768 444 quarters : 
which, at a medium of prices, was worth to this nation, 
/. 8,007,948. Now, the average of the five years is 753,689 
quarters, yearly, of the value of ^. 1 601,589. The expor- 
tation of 1749, and 1750^ rofe fiill higher. "This is an im- 
jnenfe fum," fays the compiler of the Annual Regiller, 
[1772, p. 197] **to flow immediately from the produce of 
the earth, and the labour of the people ; enriching our mer- 
chants, and increafing an invaluable breed of feamen." He 
might have added, vvith equal propriety, enriching our yeo- 
manry, and incrsojlng the u/eful breed of labourers dependent on 
them, 

years 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN* II9 

years of fubfequent peace having made little al- 
teration, the public debt amounted, on the 31 ft of 
December, 1738, to - - - - ;,^. 46,661,767 
On the 3 ift of December, 1 749, 

to-------- * 74,221,686 



—whence we perceive, by an eafy calculation, 
that an additional debt had been mean while 
incurred, of ;C- 27,559,919, befides unfunded 
debts to a confiderable amount. But, the nine 
years war of 1739 coft this nation upwards 
of fixty-four millions, without gaining any objed ; 
becaufe no valuable objedl can be gained by the 
generality of wars, which, as they often commence, 
without adequate caufe, end ufually without much 
deliberation. It is to be lamented, when hoftilities 
ceafe, that the party, which forces the nation to 
begin them, without real provocation, is not com- 
pelled to pay the expence. 

The current of wealth, which had flowed into 
the nation, during the obftruftions of war, con- 
tinued a ftill more rapid courfe, on the return of 
peace. The taxes produced abundantly, becaufe 
an induftrious people were able to confume li- 
berally. And the furpluies of all the impofts, 
after paying the intereft of debts, amounted to 
£, 1,274,172 f. The coffers of the rich began to 

* Hiflory of Debts, and J. Poillethwayt's Hiflory of the 
Public Revenue. 

f Hillory of Debts from an Exchequer account. 

I 4 overflow. 



I20 AN ESTIMATE OF 

overflow. Circulation became ftiii more rapid. 
The intereft of money, which had rifen during the 
preffures of war to four per cent, fell to three, when 
the ceflation of hoftilities terminated the loans to 
government. The admin ifhration feized this prof- 
perous moment to reduce, with the confent of the 
proprietors, the intereft of aimoft hfty-eight million 
of debts, from four per cent, to three and a half, 
during feven years, from 1750, and afterwards to 
three per cent, for ever. And by thefe prudent mea- 
fures, the annuity payable to the creditors of the 
Hate was lefTened, in the years 1750 and 1751, 
from 5^. 2,966,000 to £. 2,663,000 *. 

It was at this fortunate epoch, that Lord Bo- 
lingbroke wrote Some Conjiderations on the State of 
the Nation-, in which he reprefents the public as on 
the verge of bankruptcy, and the people as ready to 
fall into confiifion, from their dijirefs and danger. 
Little did that illuftrious party-man know, at leafh 
little was he Vv^iliing to own, how much both the 
public, and the people, had advanced, from the 
tim.e when he had been driven from power, in all 
that can make a nation profperous, and great. 
Doddington, at the fame time — " faw the country 
in fo dangerous a condition, and found himfelf fo 
incapable to give it relief f," — that he refigned a 
lucrative ofhce, from pure difintereftednefs. And 
the fecond edition of Richardfon's EJ'ay on the 
Caufes of the Decline of Foreign Trade, was oppor- 

# J. Poftlethwayt's Hillory of the Revenue, p. 238. 
t Diary, March 1749— 50, &c. 

tunely 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 121 

tunely pubiiOied, with additional arguments, in 
1750, to evince to the world the caufes of an effcEl^ 
that did not exifi. 

State and wealth, the bufinefs, and the crowd, 
Seem, at this diftance, but a darker cloud : 
And are to him who rightly things efteems, 
No other in cfFe6t than what it feems. 

Notwithftanding all that apparent profperity, and 
augmentation of numbers, we ought to mention, 
as circumftances, which probably may have retard- 
ed the progrefs of population, the Spanifh war of 
1727, that was not, however, of long continuance. 
The fettlement of Georgia, in 1733, <^arried off a 
few of the lowefh orders, the idle, and the needy. 
The real hoftilities, that began in 1739, were pro- 
bably attended with much more baneful confe- 
quences. The rebellion of 1745 introduced a 
temporary diforder, though there were drawn from 
its confufions, m.eafures the moft falutary, in refpedt 
to induftry, and population. " Let the country 
gentlemen," fays Corbyn Morris, when fpeaking 
on the then mortality of London [March 1 7 50-1] 
*^ be called forth, and declare — Have they not con- 
tinually felt, for many years paft, an increafing want 
of huibandmen and day-labourers ? Have the far- 
mers throughout the kingdom no juft complaints 
of the excejjivs increafing prices of workmen ^ and of 
the impofTibility of procuring a fufEcient number 
at any price ? '* 

Now, admitting the truth of thefe pregnant af- 
firmations, they may be ihewn to have been alto- 
gether 



122 ANESTIMATEOF 

gether confiftent with fads, and with principles. 
Allowing his many years to reach to the demife of 
George I. it may be ailerted, becaufe it has been 
proved, that our agriculture had been fo much 
improved^, as not onJy to fupply domeftic wants, 
but even to furnifh other nations with the means 
of fubfifhence ; and that every branch of our ma- 
Rufadures had kept pace with the flourifhing ftate 
of our hufbaadry. It is furely demonftrable, that 
it required a greater number of artificers to manu- 
fadurecom.modities, of the value of ^. 11,141.202, 
and to navigate 554^713 tons of (hipping, in 
1748, than to fabricate goods of the value of 
j^ 7,951,772, and to navigate 456,483 tons of 
fhipping, in 1728. But, great demand creates a 
fcarcity of all things ; which in the end procures an 
abundant fupply, And, that the excejfive prices of 
zvorkmen did in fadt produce a fufficient reinforce* 
ment of zvorkmen, may be inferred from the num- 
bers which, in no long period, were brought into 
adion, by public and private encouragement. 

We fee in familiar life, that when money is ex- 
pended upon works of uncommon magnitude, in 
any village, or parifh, labourers are always colleded, 
in proportion to the augmentation of employ- 
ments. Experience lliew^s, that the fame increafe 
of the induftrious clafles never fails to enfue in 
larger diftrifts ; in a town, a county, or a king- 
dom, when proportional fums are expended for 
labour. And it is, in this manner, that manufac- 
tures and trade, every where, augment the numbers 

of 



THIi STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I23 

of mankind, by the adive expenditure of produd- 
ive capitals. He, then, who labours to evince, 
that the lower orders of men decreafe, in numbers, . 
while agriculture, the arts (both ufeful and orna- 
mental) with commerce, are advancing from in- 
confiderable beginnings, to unexampled greatnefs, 
is only diligent to prove. That caufes do not pro- 
diice their effects : 

As women, who yet apprehend 
Some fudden cnufe of caufelefs fear, 
Althouf?h that feeminp; caufe take end, 
A fhaking through their limbs ftill find. 

To thofe reafons of profperity, that, having for 
years exifted, had thus produced the moil benefi- 
cial effeds, prior to the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
new encouragements were immediately added. 
The redudion of the intereil of the national debts^ 
by meafures altogether confident with juftice, and 
public faith, Ihewed not only the fiouriiliing con- 
dition of the kingdom, but alfo tended to make it 
flourifn ftlU more. And there neceifarily followed 
all thofe falutary confequences, in refped to do- 
meflic diligence, and foreign commerce, which. Sir 
Jofiah Child had infilled a century before, would 
refult from the lozvmfs of intereji. 

An additional incitement was, at the fame time, 
given to the whale-fifhery, partly by the naturali- 
zation of fkilful foreigners, but more by pecuniary 
bounties. The eftablifiinient of the corporation of 
The Free Britifn FiJIiery, m 1 7 50, mufl have, pro- 
moted 



124 ANESTIMATEOF 

moted population, by giving employment to the 
induflrious claffes, however unprofitable the project 
may have been to the undertakers, whofe fuccefs. 
was, unhappily, fo unequal to their good intentions, 
and unrecompenfed expences. The voluntary fo- 
ciety, which was entered into, in 1754, /or the En- 
couragement of Arts, ManufaBures, and Commerce^ 
muft have been attended with flill more beneficial 
elfeds, by animating the fpirit of experiment, and 
perfeverance. And the laws, which were fuccefjive- 
ly enacted, and meafures purfued, from 1732 to 
1760, for 'preventing the excejfive tife of Jpirhiiom li^ 
quorSy muft have promoted populoufnefs, by pre- 
ferving the health, and inciting the diligence, of 
the lower orders of the people. 

Yet, thefe ftatutes, falutary as they muft have 
been^ did not promote the health, and numbers of 
the people, in a more eminent degree, than the laws, 
which were pafled, during the fame period, for 
making more eafy communications, by the inir 
provement of roads. We may judge of the necef- 
fity of thefe ads of legislation from the penalties 
annexed to them. Of the founderous condition of 
the roads of England, while they were amended 
by the compulfive labour of the poor, we may 
judge, indeed, from the wretched"^ ftate of the ways 
which, in the prefent times, are kept in repair by 
the ancient mode. Turnpikes, which we faw firft 
introduced, foon after the Reftoration, were ereded 
flowly, in oppofition to the prejudices of the people, 
The ad, which for a time made it felony, at the 

beginning 



THE STRENGTH OF C. BRITAIN. 12^ 

beginning of the reign of George II. to pull down 
a toll-gate, was continued as a perpetual law, be- 
fore the conclufion of it. Yet, the great roads of 
England remained almofl in their ancient condi- 
tion, even as late as 1752, and 1754, when the 
traveller feldom faw a turnpike for two hundred 
miles, after leaving the vicinity of London*. 
And we now know, from experience, how much the 
making of highways and bridges advances the 
population of any country, by extending corre^ 
fpondence, by facilitating communications, and, 
confequently, by promoting internal traffic, which 
was thereby rendered greater than our foreign ; 
iince the heft aiftomers of Britain are the people of 
Britain, 

* See the Sentleman*s Magazine, 1752—54, 



126 AN ESTIMATE' OF 



CHAP. VIII. 

A captious Peace produced a nezv War. — ne 
Refources of Britain, — Trade pro/per s amidji Hojii- 
lities. — Its Amount at the Peace of 1763. — 
Remarks, 

AF T E R a captious peace of very fliort dura- 
tion, the flames of war, which, for feverai 
years, had burnt unfeen among the American 
woods, broke out at length, in 1755. Unfortunate, 
as thefe hoftihties were, ''at the beginning, they yet 
proved fuccefsful, in the end, owing to caufes, 
which it is the province of hiftory to explain. 

However fafhionable it then was for difcontented 
llatefmen to talk *, of the conjuming condition of 
the country^ it might have been inferred before- 
hand, that we had prodigious refources, if the 
ruling powers had been animated by any genius. 
The defeats, which plainly followed from mifcon- 
du6t, naturally brought talents of every kind into 
action. And the events of the war of 1756 con- 
vinced the world, not with (landing every ejiimate of 
the manners^ and principles, of the times, that the 
ftrength of Great Britain is irreliiHble, when it is 

* See Doddington's Diary, 1755—6 — 7. 

condu6ted 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I ilj 

concluded with fecrecy, and dlfpatch, with wifdom, 
and energy. 

When Brackenridge was upbraided by Fofter, 
for making public degrading accounts of our po-^ 
pulation, at the commencement of the war of 
1755, he aiked, juftly enough, *' What encourage- 
ment can It give to the enemy to knozv, that we have 
two millions of fighting men in our Briti/h ijlands f ** 
But, we hadjalTuredly, in our Britif!:iiflands,a million 
more than Brackenridge unwillingly allowed. 

The numbers, and fpirit, of our people were 
y.mply fupported by the augmented refources of 
the nation. The natural interefl: of m.oney, which 
had been 3 -per cent, at the beginning of this reign, 
never rofe higher than ;£. 3. 13-f. 6 J. at the con- 
clufioh of it, after an expenfive courfe of eight 
years hoftilitics. During the two fir ft years of the 
war, the minifters borrowed money at 3 per cent. 
But, five millions being lent to the adminiftration, 
in 1757, the lenders required 4! per cent. And 
from the former pundluality of government, and 
prefent eafe, with which taxes were found to pay 
the ftipulated intereft, Great Britain commanded 
the money of Europe, when the prelTures of war 
obliged France to ftop the payment of intereft on 
fome of her funded debts. 

Meantime, the furplufes of the ftanding taxes 
of Great Britain amounted, at the commencement 
of the war, to one million three hundred thoufand 
pounds, which, after the redudion of the intereft 
of debts, in J 757, fwelled to one million fix hun- 
dred 



fl8 AN ESTIMATE OF 

dred thoufand pounds. And, from this vaft cur- 
rent of income, the more fcanty ftreams, which 
llowly flowed from new impofts, were continually 
fupplied, during the exigencies of war. 

It is the expences, more than the flaughter, of 
modern hoftilitieSj which debilitate every commu- 
nity. The whole fuppHes granted by Parliament, 
and raifed upon the people, during the reign of 
George II. amounted * to ;^. 183,976,624. 

The fupplies granted, during the five years of the 
war, before the deceafe of that prince, amounted 

to . - ^ ^ - - - - . - ;£. 54.3I9>325 
The fupplies voted, during the 

three nrft years of his facceiTor, 

amounted f to - - - - - 51,437,314 



The principal expences of a war, 
which, having been undertaken 
to drive the French from North 
America, has proved unfortu- 
nate in the ifTue - - * * £''^^5yyS^i^39 

Yet, none of the taxes, that had been eftabliflied, 
in order to raife thofe vaft funis, bore heavy on the 
induftrious claiTes, if we except the additional ex- 
cife of three fliiliings a barrel on beer J. And, 

whatever 

• Camp, Pol. Sur. vol. ii. p. 551. 
fid. 

X That the confumption of the great body of the people, 

was not lelTened, in confequence of the war, we may certainly 

^ infer 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I29 

whatever burdens may have been impofed, internal 
induftry plirfued its occupations, and the enter- 
prize of our traders fent to every quarter of the 
giobC) merchandizes to an extent, which were be- 
yond all former example. 

There were exported, annually, during the firfl: 
years of the war, furplufes of our land and labour, 
to the amount of /. 11,708,515 * \ which, being 
fent abroad, from time to time, to different markets, 
as demand required, might have been all applied, 
(as feme of them Undoubtedly were) in paying the 

irifer from the oilicial details, \r^. ih^ Appendix to the Obfei'" 
vations on the State of thj? Nation : 

The average of eight years net produce of the 

duty on foap, &c, ending with 1754. - - - j^. 228,114 
i)itto> - - - - endiag with 1767 - - - 264.902 

Ditto on candles^ - ending with 1754 - - 
Ditto on ditto, - - ending with i jG-^ - ~ 

Ditto on hides, - ending with 1754 - - 
Ditto on ditto, - ending with 1767 - - 

As no new duties had been laid on the before-mentioned 
necefTaries of life, the augmentation of the revenue evinces 
an increafe of confumption ; confequently of comforts ; and 
confequentiy of people. In confirmation, let it be confidered 
too, that the hereditary and temporary exci/e produced, according 
to an eight-years average, ending with 1754 - £. S^S'3^7 
Ditto, ------ ending with 1767 • 53^o42- 

» There were, moreover, exported from Scotland, according 
to an average of 1755—6 — 7, goods to the value of ^^.663,401. 

K. fleets 



£' 


I3&;073 


£' 


168,200 
189,216 



1^0 AN ES TIMATE OF 

fleets and armies, that made conquefts, in eveiy 
quarter of the globe. 

The Englifli fhlpping, which, after exporting 
that vaft cargo, might have been employed by 
government, as tranfports, and certainly furnifhed 
the fleet with a hardy race, amounted to 609,7 9^^ 
tons ; which mud have been navi- 
gated, if we allow twelve men to 
ev'Cry 200 tons burden, by - - 56,588 men. 



We may determine, with regard to the- progrefs,. 
and magnitude of the royal navy, from the follow- 
ing flatement : 

Sai*ors voted" by 
Tonnage. Parliament. Their Wages, Sec, 

In 1749 - 228,215 - 17,000 - £, 839,800 

1754 - 226,246 - 10,000 - 494,000 

' 1760 - 300^16 - 70,000 - 5,458,000 



it is the boaft of Britain, "that v/hile other 
countries fuffered innumerable calamities, during 
that long period of hofirilities, this happy ifland 
efcaped them all ; and cultivated, unmolefl-ed, her 
manufactures, her fiflieries, and her commerce, to 
an amount, which has been the wonder, and envy, 
of the world," This flattering piclure of Dodor 
Campbell, will, however, appear to be extremely 
like the original, from an examination of the fub- 
fequent details j which are more accurate, in their 
notices, and flill more juft, in their concluiions. 
Compare, then^ the following averages of our na- 

vigation. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I^^I 

vigation> and traffic, during the fubjoined years, 
both of peace, and of war : 

Years. Sh'pS cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes. 

J 740 1 '^0"^ Englift. DO foreign. Total. £, 

50 1609,798 - S'^^S^^ " 661,184 12,599,112 

51 -3 

^6 s 4P5254 ~ 7M5^ " 524,711 - 11,708,515 

1760 471,241 - 112,737-573,978 - 14,693,270 

61 508,220 - 117,835 - 626,055 - 14,873,194 

62 480,444 - 120,126 - 600,570 ^ 13,546,171 



Thus^ the year 1756 marked the lowed point 
of the depreflion of commerce ; whence it gra- 
dually rofe, till it had gained a fuperiority over the 
unexampled traffic of the tranquil years 174^-50- 
51, if we may judge from the value of exports; 
End almoil to an equality, if we draw our inferences 
from the tonnage of (hipping. The Spanifh war 
of 1 76:2, impofed an additional w^eight, and we 
have feen the confequent decline. 

When, by the treaty of Paris, entire freedom 
was again reflored to foreign commerce, the traders 
once more fent out adventures of a ftill greater 
amount to every quarter of the world, though the 
nation was fuppofed to be drained, by too great 
an exertion of her powers. The falutary effeSs of 
more extenfive manufadures, and a larger tradcj, 
were, inftantly feen in the commercial fuperiority 
K z .of 



1 5 ^ A N E S T 1 M A T E O F 

of the three years, following the pacification of 
1763, over thofe, enfuing the peace of 174B, 
though thefe have been celebrated juftly, as times 
of uncommon profperity. We.fliall be fully con^ 
vinced of this fatisfadory truth, if we examine the 
following proofs : 

Years, Ships cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes^ 

Tons Englilh. Do foreign. Total. £. 

609,798 - 51,386- 661,184 - 12,599,112. 



1749] 



1758 389,842 - I165OO2- 505,844- 12,618,335 

1759 406,335 - 121,016 - 527,351 - 13,947,788 
1764] 

^5 r ^39'^7^ " ^^3^3^ - 708,008 - 14,925,950 

^e]-^^— ™— 

The grofs income of the Pofl-office, foreign and 
domeflic, zvJiich^ it is faid, can alone demonftrate the 
extent of our correfpondence^ amounted. 

In 1754, to - - - ^T. 210,663 
In 1764, to - - - 281,535*. 



In the midft of that unexampled profperity, and 
accumulation of private wealth, Hume talked, in 
his hiftory, of the pernicious practice of borrowing 
on parliamentary fecurity ; a pradice, fays he, the 
more likely to become pernicious the more a nation 
mvances in opulence, and credit, and nozv threatens the 

«• The account of the Poft-office revenue is ftate^E, by the 
.Apnual Regifter 1773, much higher, miHakenly. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. J33 

very exiftence of the nation. Even the grave Black- 
flone, who feems to have been infedled, by the 
declamations of the tunes, wrote of its being indif- 
putably certain, in 1765, that the prefent magni- 
tude of our national incumbrances, very far exceeds 
all calculations of commercial benefits, and is pro- 
ductive of the greatefl; inconveniencies, by the enor- 
mous taxes, that are raifed upon the neceffaries of 
life, for the payment of the interefl of the debt ; 
and thofe taxes weaken the internal fhrehgth of a 
fliate, by anticipating thofe refources, which iliould 
be referved to defend it, in cafe of neceffity*. Such 
fentiments, from fuch men, proceed partly from a 
narrow view of the fubjedt, and, perhaps, more from 
wel]-meaning defires to do national good, by raif- 
ing public appreheniions, with regard to the fecu- 
rity of property, and the fafety of the flate. 

To laugh, were want of goodnefs, and of grace ; 
^nd to be grave, exceeds all power of face, 

* Commentaries, Tol. i. p. 328, 4th edit. 



^ 3 



134 AN ESTIMATE OF* 



CHAP. IX. 

ne Commercial Failures^ in 1763. — Opinions thereon. 
— 'The true State of the Nation.—Ohfervatiom on^ 
the Peace of 1763. — Farious Laws for promoting. 
domejiic Improvements. — Satisfactory Proofs of our 
Commercial Projperity, at the Epoch of the Colo,- 
nial Revolt, — -Yet were our Trade and Shipping, 
popularly reprefented as much on the Decline., 

IT was, at that fortunate epoch, that Great Bri- 
tain, having carried conquefl over the hoilile 
powers of the earth, by her arms, faved Europe 
from bankruptcy hy the fuperiority of her opu- 
lence, and by the difmtereftednefs of her fpirit. 
The failures, which happened at Berlin, at Ham-- 
burgh, and in Holland, during July 176.3, com- 
municated difmay, and difhruft, to every commercial 
town, on the European continent*. Wealth, it 
is faid, no longer procured credit, nor connexion 
any more gained confidence : The merchants of 
Europe remained, for fome time;, in conflernation, 
becaufe every trader feared for himfelf, amidfl the 

* See the defpondent letter from the Bankers of Hamburgh 
to the bankers of Amilerdam, dated the 4th of Auguft 1763, 
in the Gentleman's Magazine of this year, p. 422. 

ruins 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I35 

ruins of the greatefl houfes. It was at this crifis, 
that the Britifln traders Ihevved the greatnefs of 
their capitals, the extent of their credit, and their 
difregard of either lofs, or gain, while the mercan- 
tile v/orid feerned to pafs away as a winter's cloud ; 
They trufted correfpondents, whofe fituations were 
extremely unliable, to a greater amount than they 
had ever ventured to do, in the moft profperous 
times : And they made vaft remittances to thofe 
commercial cities, where the deeped diftrefs was 
fuppofed to prevail, from the determiriation of the 
wealthieft bankers to fufpend the payment qf their 
own acceptances. At this crifis, the Bank of Eng- 
land difcounted bills of exchange, to a greatamount, 
while every bill was fufpeded, as being of doubtful 
refponfiblenefs. And the Britifh government, with 
a wife policy, aduated, and fupported all *. 

On that proud day was publifhed, however, 
" An Alarm to the Stockholders ^ By another writer, 
tiie nation was remembered of '* the decreafe of the 
current coin, as a moft dangerous circumftancer 
And by an author, ftill more confiderable than 
either, we were inftruded — " How the abilities of 
the country were ftretched to their utmoft ex- 
tent, and beyond their natual tone, whilft trade 

* See Confideratlons on the Trade and Finances of the 
Kingdom. Yet, there were only, in England, 233 bankrupt- 
cies, during 1763, and 301, during 1764. Of bankruptcies, 
there were, in England, during 1773-- 562, and during 1793 
—1304. — Thus, it is by comparifon, that we gain accurate 
|:nowledge, 

K 4 fuffered 



13^ AN ESTIMATE O^ 

fufFered in proportion : For, the price, both of la- 
bour and materials, was enhanced by the number, 
and weight, of the new taxes, and by the extraor- 
dinary demand, which the ruin of the French na- 
vigation brought on Great Britain ; whereby rival 
nations may be now enabled to under-feil us at 
foreign markets, and rival us in our own : That 
both public and private credit were, at the fame 
time, oppreiTed by the rapid increafe of the na- 
tional debt, by the fcarcity of money, and the high 
rate of intereft, which aggravated every evilj and 
affected every money tranfa6lion." — Such is the 
melanchoHc pidture, which was exhibited of our 
commercial fituation, foon after the peace of 1763^^ 
by the hand of a mafter *, who probably meant 
to fketch a caricature, rather than to draw a 
portrait. 

If, however, the refources of Britain arife chiefly 
from the labour of Britain, it may be eafily fliewn, 
that there never exifted, in this iiland, fo many in- 
diifirioits people, as after the return of peace, in 1 763. 
It is not eafy, indeed, to calculate the numbers, 
who die in the camp, or in battle, more than would 
otherwife perifh from want, or from vice, in the 
city, or hamlet. It is fome confolation, that the 
laborious clafles are too wealthy to covet the pit- 
tance of the foldier, or too independent to court 
the dangers of the failor. And though the for- 
faken lover, or the reftlefs vagrant, m.ay look for 

* Confiderations on the Trade, and Finances, of the King- 
dom, p, 3. 

refuge 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 13^ 

♦-efuge in the army, or the fleQt, it may admit of 
fome doubt, how far the giving of proper em- 
ployment to both J may not have freed their parifhes 
from difquietude, and from crim^es. There is, 
therefore, no room to fappofe, that any one left 
the anvil, or the loom, to follow t/ie idle trade of 
^wa}\ during the hoftilities of 1756, or that there 
were lefs private income, and public circulation, 
after the re-eflablifhment of peace, than at any 
prior epoch. For it muft, undoubtedly^ have re-- 
quired a greater number of artificers to produce 
pierchandizesj for foreign exportation, after feed-^ 
ing and cloathing the inr 

habitants, to the value 

of - - - - - '.^. 14,694,970 - in 1760, 
than it did to fabricate 

the value of ^ - - 12,599,112 - in 1750. 
Jt muil have demanded 

a ftiil greater number 

of hands to work up 

goods for exportation 

of the value of - - 16,512,404 - in 1764, 
than it did to manufac- 
ture the value of - ^ 14,873,191 - in I76t« 



A greater 



IjS AN EST I MATE OF 

A greater number of fea- 

men mud furely have 

been employed to na- ^^"^fpptf "^^' , 

vigate and repair - - - 4^1,241 - in 1^60, 
than ---.-.-- 4^1,254 - in 1756. 
And a ftili greater num.- 

ber to man and repair - 651,402 -in 1765, 
than ^ - ^ - - - - 609,798*- in 1750. 

Yet, 

* It is acknowledged, that Scotland furnifhed a greater 
number of recruits, for the fleets and armies of Britain, during 
the war of 1756, than England, confidering the fmaller num- 
ber of her fighting men. Yet, by this drain, the indullrious 
^tlailes feem not to have been in the leaft diminifhed. For of 
linen there were made for fale, 

in 1758 ----- 10,624,435 yards, 
in 1760 ..-.-- 11,747,728 

Of the augmentation of the whole produds of Scotland, du- 
ring the war, we may judge from the following detail : The 
value of the merchandizes exported from Scotland, 
in 1756 ----- £, 663,401 
60 ----- 1,086,205 

04 - - - - - i>H3>9^T 

There were exported yearly, of Britijh-manufa£iured linens^ 
according to an average of feven years of peace, from 1749 
to 1755 - - - - 576.373 yards. 

Ditto, according to an average of feven years 
of fubfequent war, from 1756 to 1762 - 1,355,226 

Having thus difcovered, that thefword had not been put into 
ujeful hands, let us take a view of the great woollen manu- 

fadories 



THE STRENGTH OF O. BRITAIN. J39 

Yet, it mud be confeired, that however the 
people individually may have been employed^ the 
ftate corporately vyas embarraiTed, in no fmall de- 
gree, by the debts which had been contraded by 
a war, glorious, but unproatable. Upwards of 
fifty-eight millions had been added to our funded 
debts, before we began to negociate for peace, in 
1762. When tiie unfunded debts were afterwards 
brought to account, and affigned an annual in- 
tereft, from a fp^ecific fund, the whole debt, which 
was incurred by the hoftilitles of 1756, fv/elled to 
/. 72^11 1,000. And when every claim on the 
public, for the war's expences, was honeflily fatisfiedj 
the national debt amounted to - ^T. 146,682,844, 



which yielded the creditors, to whom it was due, 
an annuity of ------ ^.4,850,821. 



Though it is the intereft, and not the capital*, 
that confhitutes the real debt of the Jiate^ yet this 

annuity 

faftories of England, with an afped to the fame exhilarating 
fubjeft. The value o?^-u:oolkn goods exported. 



m 1755 - . - 


£'Z'S7S^^97 


S7 ' - ' 


4^758.095 


58 . - - 


4,673,462 


59 - - - 


5»352>299 


^0 - » .^ 


5'4S3»i72 



' t Writers have been carried of late, by their zeal of pa- 
triotifm, to demand the payment of the principal of the debt, 

though 



140 ANE5TIMATE0F 

annuity wa,s, doubtlcfs, a heavy incumbrance on 
the land and labour of this illand : And, however 
burdeniome, it was not the only weight that ob-^ 
flrufted, in whatever degree^ the induilrious dalles, 
in adding accumulation to accumulation. The 
charge of the civil government was then calculated, 
as an expence to the people, at a million. And the 
peace eftabliihment, for the arm}^ navy^ and mif- 

though the interell be punitually paid; as if the nature of 
the contrad, between the individual ^1^^ the/^/f, had llipulated 
for the payment of both. The fad is> that few lenders, fiiice 
K-ing V^illiam's days, have expeded re-payment oi the capitals, 
which they lent to the government. The fiocksy as the public 
fecurities of the Britifii natkm are called, may be compared 
to the money tranfadions of the Bank of .Amfterdam, as they 
have been explained by Sir James Steuart. No man wha 
lodges treajure, in this Bank, ever expecls to fee U again ; 
Butj he may transfer the Bank receipt for it. The Diredors of 
this Bank difcovered from experience, that if the num.ber of 
fellers of thofe receipts fhould, at any time, be greater than the 
buyers of them, the value q^ aSlual treafure fafely lodged \\'0\A^ 
depreciate. And it is fuppofed, that thefe prudent managers 
employ brokers to buy up the Bank receipts, when they be- 
gin to fall in their valuc^ from the faperabundance of them 
on 'Change. Apply this rational explanation to the Briti{h 
funds. No creditor of a funded debt can alk payment of the 
principal at the I'reafury ; but, he may difpofe of his ftock 
in the dUcy. The principles, which regulate demand and 
fupply, are equally applicable to the Britifh funds, as to the 
ircafure in the Amflerdam Bank. If there be more fellers 
than buyers, the price of ifocks will fall : If there be more 
buyers than fellers they will as naturally rife. And the time 
is now come, when- the Britilh government ought to employ 
every pound, which can poffibly be faved, in buying up the 
principal of iM^]\ public debts as pay the greateft intereft, 

ccllaneous 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRtTAlN. ■ I4I 

tellaiieous fervlces of iefs amount, tho-ugh of as 
much ufe, was then ftated at three miihons and a 
half, without entering into the controverfy of that 
changeful da)^ whether it was a few pounds more, 
or a few pounds Iefs. If it aflonidied Europe to 
fee Great Britain borrow, in one 3Tar twelve mil- 
iions, and to find taxes to pay the interefb of fuch 
a loan, amidft hofhilities of unbounded expence, 
it might have given the European world flill higher 
ideas of the refources of Britain, to fee her fatisfy 
every claim, and re»eilabliili her financial aiiairS;; 
in no long period, after the concluiicn of war. 

But, the acquifitions of peace proved, unhap- 
pily, more embarrafhng to the collective mafs of 
an induilrious nation, than the imjpoits, Vv^hich 
were confhantly colle6ted, for paying the intereft 
of debts, and the charges of government. The 
,treaty of 1763 retained Canada, LouKiana, and 
Florida, on the American continent .; the Gra- 
nadesj Tobago, St, Vincent, and Dominica, in 
the Wefl: Indies ; and Senegal in Africa. With- 
out regarding other objecirs, here v/as a v/ide field 
opened for the attention of intereft, and for the 
operations of avarice. Every man, who had credit 
with the minifters at home, or influence over the 
governors in the colonies, ran for the prize of 
American territory. And m.any land-owners in 
Great Britain, of no fmali importance, neglected 
the pofTeffions of their fathers, for a portion of 
wildernefs beyond the Atlantic. This was the 
fpirit^ which formerly debilitated Spain, more than 

the 



142 AN ESTIMATE OF 

the Peruvian mines , becaufe the Spaniards turnsd 
their affections from their country to the Indies. 
With a limilar fpirit, millions of productive capital 
v^ere withdrawn from the agriculture, and manu- 
fadlures, and trade of Great Britain, to cultivate 
the ceded iflands, in the other hemifphere. Do* 
meflic occupations were obflruded, confequentl)^ 
and circulation was flopped, in proportion to the 
ftocks withdrawn, to the induftry enfeebled, and 
to the ardour turned to lefs falutary objeds. 

While the indufhrious claifes of the people were 
thus individually injured in their afiairs, the ftate 
fuffered equally in its finances. The new acqui- 
fitions required the charge of civil governments, 
which was provided for, in the annual fupplies, 
and from taxes on the land, and labour, of this 
iHand. To defend thofe acquifitions, larger, and 
more expenfive military eftablifhments became 
now necelTary, though our conquefts did not 
yield a penny in return*. And an additional 
drain being thus opened, for the circulating mo- 
ney, the opulent men, who generally lend to go- 
vernment, enhanced the price of a commodity, 
which was thus rendered more valuable, by the 
inceffant demands of adventurers, who offered the 
ufurious inteiefl of the Indies f. The coins did 
not, confequently, overflow the coffers of the rich ; 

* There were fome fmall fums brought into the annual 
fupplies from the fale of lands in the ceded illands. 

f It was a wife policy, therefore, to encourage foreigners 
to lend money on the fecurity of Well-India eftates, 

the 



THE STRENGTH OF G. EltlTAIN. I43 

the price of the public funds did not rife, as at 
the former peace, when no fuch cirain exifhed ; 
and the government was unable to make bargains 
for the public, in 1 764, equally advantageous, as at 
the lefs fplendid epoch of 1750. 

In thele views of an interefling fubjedt, the 
true objection to the peace of 1763 was not, that 
we had retained too little, but that we had retained 
too much. Had the French been altogether ex- 
cluded from the tilheries of Labrador, and New- 
foundland, and wholly reflored to every conqueft, 
\.\\t peace had been, perhaps, more complete. Whe- 
ther t\\t minifbers could have juftified fuch a treaty, 
within the walls of Parliament, or without, is a ' 
confideratlon perfonal to them, and is an objedl, 
quite diftinch in argmiient. Unhappy ! that a 
Britilh minifler, to defend himfelf from clamour, 
muft generally ad: agai nfh the genuine interefl: of 
his country. • 

Fortunate it is, however, for Britain, that ther:^ 
is a fpirit in her indufliry, an increafe in the accu- 
mulations of her induftrious claffes, and a pru- 
dence in the oeconomy of her individual citizens, 
which have raifed her to great nefs, and fuftained 
her power, notwithilanding the wafte of wars, the 
blunders of treaties, and the tumults in peace. 
The people profpered at the commencement of 
the prefent reign. They profpered ftill more, v/hen 
our colonies revolted. And this rnofl: energetic 
nation continues, with augmented pov/ers^to profper 
Hill, notwithftandin^ every obftrudion, \ 

' ' If 



144 ^^ ESTIMATE OF 

If this marvellous profperity arlfe from ih^ 
confcioufneis of every one^ that hs per/on h ffee^ 
and his property fafe, owing to the fleady opera- 
tion of laws, and to the impartial adminiflration of 
juftice, one of the firft ads of the prefent reign 
muft be allowed to have given additional forxe 
to that falutary principle. A young Monarch, 
with an attachment to freedom, which merits the 
commendations that pofterity wall not v/ithhold, 
recommended from the throne to make the judges 
commiffions lefs changeful, and their falaries more 
beneficial. The Parliament feconded the zeal of 
their Sovereign^ in giving efficacy to a meafure, 
which had an immediate tendency to fecure every 
right of individuals, and to give ardour to ail 
their purfuits. If we continue a brief review of 
the lav/s of the prefent reign, we fliall probably 
iind, that, whatever may have been negledled^ 
much has been done, for proifioting the profperity^ 
and populoufnefs, of this iiland. 

Agriculture ought to be the great obje<5l of our 
care, becaufe li: is the broad foundation of every 
other- eflablirnnient. Yef, owdng in fome meafure 
to the fcarcity of feafons, but much to the clamour 
of the populace, w^e departed, at the end of the 
late reign, from the fyfcem which, being formed at 
the Revolution, is faid to have then given verdure 
to our fields. During every feiiion, from the 
demife oi George 11. a law was paffed for allow- 
ing the importation of fait provifions from Ire- 
land ; for difcontinuing the duties on tallow, but-- 

ter. 



tH2 STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I45 

ter, hogs-lard;, and greafe, from Ireland, till, in the 
progrefs of our liberality, we made thole regu- 
lations perpetual, which v/ere before only tempo- 
rary. We prohibited the export of grain, while 
we admitted the importation of it; till, in 1773, 
we fettled by a compromife, between the growers, 
and confumers, a ftandard of prices, at which both 
fhould, in future, be free*. If, by the foregoing 
meafures, the markets were better fuppiied, the 
induftrious claffes mufl have been more abun- 
dantly fed : if prices w^ere forced too low, the 
farmers, and with them hufbandry, muft have both 
equally fuffered. A fteady market is for the in- 
tereft of all parties ; and ought, therefore, to be the 
aim of the legiilature. On this principle, the Par- 
liament feem.s to have adledj when, by repealing the 
laws againft engrolTers, it endeavoured, in 1772, to 
give a free circulatmi to the trade in corn. On the 
other hand, various laws were pafled -f , for pre- 
ferving timber, and underwood ; for encouraging 
the culture of (lirubs and trees, of roots and plants. 
And additional laws were palfed for fecuring the 
property of the hulbandman, in the produce of his 
fields \ and, confequently, for givjng force to his 
diligence. 

The dividing of commons, the incloling of 
waftes, the draining of marihes, are all conned:eci 
with agriculture . Not one law, for any of thefe 

« 10 Geo. IIL ch. ^-,13 Geo. III. ch. 43. 
t 6 Geo. IIL ch, 36—48; 9 Geo. III. ch. 41, 

L valuable 



1 46 A N E S T I M AT EOF 

valuable ends, was pafTed, in the warlike reign of 
King William. During the hoftilities of Queen 
Anne, eight fuch laws, indeed, were enadled. In the 
reign of George I. feventeen laws were enabled for 
the fame falutary purpofes. In the three-and-thirty 
years of George II.'s reign, there were paiTed a 
hundred and eighty-two laws, with the fame wife 
defign. But, during the firfl: fourteen feffions of 
the prefent ^eign, no fewer than feven hundred 
and two ads were obtained, for dividing of com- 
mons, inclofing of wafbes, and draining of marfheS. 
In this manner, was more ufeful territory added 
to the empire, at the expence of individuals, than 
had been gained, by every war, fince the Revolu- 
tion. In acquiring diftant dominions, through con- 
queft, the ftate is enfeebled, by the charge of their 
eftablilhments, in peace, and by the ftill more 
enormous debts, incurred in war, for their defence. 
In gaining additional lands, by reclaiming the 
;vviid, improving the barren, and appropriating the 
common, you, at once, extend the limits of our 
ifland, and make its foil more produdive. Yet, 
a certain clafs of writers have been fludious to 
prove, that, by making the common fields more 
fruitful, the legiflature has impoveriflied the poor*. 
, Canneded.with agriculture too is the making 
.of.toads. The highways of Britain were not equal 

* On the contrary, the Rev. Mr. Howlet, who cannot be too 
much praifed for his refearches, on the fubjefl of population, 
has publiihed a pamphlet, which proves fatisfadorily, that incio^ 
fures promote the increafe of the people. . 

■■'■" •■'' in 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I47 

m goodnefs to thofe of foreign countries, when the 
peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was concluded. From 
this epoch to the demife of George 11. great exer- 
tions were certainly ufed, to fupply the inconve- 
nient defed. The firft fourteen feffions of the 
prefent reign are diilinquiHied, not only for col- 
lecting the various road-laws into one ad, but for 
enading no fewer than four hundred and fifty-two 
ads, for repairing the highways of different dif- 
trids. If, by this employment of many hands, 
nothing v/as added to the extent of our country, 
every field, and every village, within it, were 
brought, by a more eafy conveyance, nearer to 
each other. 

In the fame manner, canals facilitate agriculture, 
and promote manufadures, by offering a mode 
of carriage, at once cheaper, and more certain. 
A very early attention had been paid to the navi- 
gation of our rivers : from tlie Revolution to the 
demife of George II. many flireams had been 
made navigable. But, a ftiil greater number have 
been rendered more commodious to commerce, in 
the prefent reign, exclufive of the yet more valua- 
ble improvement of canals. And, during the firft 
fourteen fefTions of this reign, nineteen ads were 
paffed, for making artificial navigations, including 
thofe ftupendous works, the Bridgewater, the 
Trent, and the Forth, canals; which, by joining 
the Eaftern and Weftern feas, and by conneding 
almoft every manufaduring town with the capital, 
emulate the Roman labours. 

L 2 In 



148 AN ESTIMATE OF 

In this period too, many of our harbours were 
enlarged, fecured, and improved : many of our 
cities, including the metropolis of our empire, and 
our trade, were paved, cleanfed, and lighted. And, 
without including the bridges, that have been built, 
and public edifices ere(5ted, the foregoing efforts, 
for domefliic improvement, can, with no truth, or 
propriety, be deemed the works of an inadiive age, 
or of a frivolous people. 

If from agriculture, we turn our attention to 
manufadures, we fhall find many laws enaded^ for 
their encouragement, fome with greater efficacy, 
and fome with lefs. It was a wife policy to pro- 
cure the materials of our manufactures at the 
cheapefb rate. A tax was laid on foreign linens, 
in order to provide a fund, for raifmg hemp and 
flax at home y while bounties were given, on thefe 
necelTary articles from our colonies, the bounty 
on the exportation of hemp was withdrawn. The 
impofts on foreign linen yarn were withdrawn. 
Bounties were given on Britifh linen cloth ex- 
ported ; while the making of cambricks was pro- 
. moted, partly by prohibiting the foreign, and partly 
by giving frefli incentives, though without fuccefs, 
to the manufadure of cambricks, within our ifland. 
Indigo, cochineal, and log-wood, the necelTaries 
of dyers, were allowed to be freely imported. 
And the duty on oak-bark imported was lowered, 
in order to accommodate the tanners. It is to be 
lamented, that the ftate of the public debts does 
not admit the abolition' of every tax on materials 

5 of 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I49 

.of manufadure, of whatever country : this would 
be a meafure fo much wifer, than giving prohibi- 
tions agalnft foreign manufadures, which never 
fail to bring with them the mifchiefs of monopoly j 
a worfe commodity^ at a higher price : 

Such moderation with thy bounty join, 

That thou may'ft nothing give that is not thine. 

The importation of filks and velvets of foreign 
countries was, however, prohibited, while the wages 
and combinations of filk-weavers w^ere refhrained, 
though the price of the goods was not regulated, 
in favour of the confumers. The workers in 
leather were equally favoured, by limilar means. 
The plate-glafs manufadure was encouraged, by 
creeling a corporation, for carrying it on with greater 
energy. The making of utenfils from gold and 
filver was favoured, by appointing wardens to de- 
tedl every fraud. And the law, which had been 
made, during the penury of King William's days, 
for preventing innkeepers from uling any other 
plate than filver fpoons, was repealed in 1769, 
when we had made a very extenfive progrefs in 
the acquifition of wealth, and in the tafte for en- 
joying it : 

Egypt with Aflyria ftrove 



In wealth and luxury.' 



The mofh ancient ftaple of this illand was, by 
prudent regulations in the fabrics of wool, fent 
to foreign markets^, better in quality, and at a 
Jower price. 

L ^ General 



1^0 ANESTIMATEOF 

General Induflry was excited by various means, 
which probably had their eife6t. Apprentices,- 
and workers for hire, were placed under the jurif- 
dii5lion of magiilrates, who were empowered to 
enforce, by • corredion, the performance of con- 
trads. Sobriety was, at the fame time, preferved, 
by reftraining the retail of fpirituous liquors. But, 
above all, that law mufl: have been attended with 
the mofh powerful effed, which was made " for 
the more effedual preventing of abufes, by per- 
fons employed in the manufadure of hats, woollen, 
linen, fuftian, cotton, iron, leather, fur, hemp, flax, 
mohair, and filk ; for reft raining unlawful combi^ 
nations of every one working in fuch manufacr 
tures ; and for the better payment of their wages." 
Tiiis law mufh be allowed to contain the moft 
powerful incitements of the human heart ; wheu 
we confider too, that the afTize of bread was at 
the fame time regulated, 

If from a review of manufadures, we infped 
our riiipping, we fhall perceive regulations equally 
ufeful. The whale-fifheries of the river St. Law^ 
rence, and Greenland, were encouraged by boun- 
ties, together with the whiterherring fifliery along 
the coafts of our iiland. Foreigners w^ere ex- 
cluded, by additional penalties, from holding 
iliares in Britiili (hips. And oak-timber was pre- 
ferved, by new laivs, for the ufe of the royal navy. 
The voyages of difcovery, which do fo much honour 
to the prefent reign, though they did not proceed, 
from any ad of the legiflature, may be regarded 

as 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I5I 

as highly beneficial to navigation, whether we con- 
iider the improvement of nautical fcience, or the 
prefervation of the manner's health. 

But, all thofe encouragements had been given, 
in vain, had not the courfe of circulation been kept 
full, and current, and the coin timefully reformed. 
New modes were prefcribed by Parliament, for 
the recovery of fmall debts in particular diflrids. 
Additional remedies were adminiftered, for reco- 
vering payment on bills, and other mercantile fecu- 
rities, in Scotland. And the ilTuing of the notes 
of bankers was rendered more commodious and 
fafe. The importation of the light fiiver coin, of 
this realm, was prohibited ; and what was of more 
importance, every tender of Britifh fiiver coin, in 
the payment of any fum more than five-and- 
twenty pounds, otherwife than by weight, at five 
fhillings and twopence per ounce, was declared 
unlawful. This admirable principle, fo jaft in its 
theory, and fo wife in its pradice, was, about the 
fame time, applied to the gold coin, And the gold 
coins were re-called, and re-coined to an unex- 
pected ampunt, and ordered to pafs current by 
weight, according to the ancient courfe, rather than 
by tale, in conformity to modern praftice. This 
meafure, which does equal honour to the contriver, 
to the advifer, and to the executor, has been at- 
tended with all the falutary effedls, that were fore- 
told, as to our domeftic circulation, our foreign 
trade, and to our mgney-exchan^es with the com- 
iTiercial world, 

J. 4 The 



152 ANESTIMATEOF 

The laws, which were thuspalTed, from the 
accellion of his prefent Majefty, to the sera of the 
colonial revolt, had produced the mofl beneficial 
efFe(fts on our agriculture, and manufadlures, on 
our commerce and navigation, had not the ener- 
getic fpirit, that aduated our affairs, at the peace 
of 1763, continued to animate the induftrious 
claffes, and to accumulate their daily acquiiitions. 
If any one choofes to appeal, from general reafon- 
ings,to particular fadls, let him examine the follow* 
ing proofs : 

Years. Ships cleared Outwards, Value of Cargoes, 

1764.1 Tons Eng, D° foreign. Total. £. 

6§ > 6395^72 - 68,136 - 708,008 - 14,925,950 
66 J 
-1772I 

73} 795^943 - %232 - 860,175 - 15,613,003 

74J 

Thus, our navigation had gained, in the mterve^ 
nient period, more than a hundred and fifty thou- 
fand tons a year, and our foreign traffic had rifen 
xilmofl: a million in annual worth. The grofs reve- 
nue of the pofl-office, which, ariling from a greater, 
or a lefs, correfpondence, forms, according to A^n- 
^Qxiouydi politico-commercial index, amounted, 

in 1764 - to - ;^. 281,535 
in 1774* T to - 345'32i 



* But, the franking of letters had been now reg^ulated, an4 
other improvements had been meantime made. 

Yet, 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 153 

Yet, profperous as our aifairs had been, during 
the fliort exiftence of the peace of 1763, they 
were reprefented, by an analogous fplrit to that 
of 1738, either of defigning fadion, or of unin- 
formed folly, as in an alarming Jituation, The 
flate of things, it was faid, is approaching to an 
awful crifis. The navigation, and commerce^ by 
which we rofe to power, and opulence, are much 
on the decline. Our taxes are numerous, and heavy, 
and provifions are dear. An enormous national 
debt threatens the ruin of public credit. Luxury 
has fpread its baneful influence among all ranks of 
people ; yet, luxury is neceflary to raife a revenue, 
to fupply the exigencies of the ftate. Our labour- 
ing poor are forced, by hard neceffity, to feek that 
comfortable fubfiflence, in diftant climes, which their 
induftry at home cannot procure them. And th$ 
mother-country holds the rod over her children, 
the colonies, and, by her threatening afped:> is 
Jikely to drive them to defperate meafures* : 

Th' alarm-hell rings from our Alhambra walls, 
Andj from the ftreets, found drums and ataballs [ 

* %zt Gent. Mag. 1774, p. 313, &C. 



154 ANESTIMATEOF 



CHAP. X. 

The Colonial Revolt, — The State of the Nation,- — 
Her Finances^ Trade, and Shipping, — Her military 
Pozver,- — The LoJJes of Trade from the War, — 
The Revival of Trade on the Re-efiablifJiment of 
Peace. — Remarks thereon. — Financial Operations^ 
• — The Sinking Fund efiabliflied.—lts falutary Po^ 
licy. 

WHEN> owing to the native habits, and ac- 
quired confidence of her colonies ; to the 
ancient negleds, and continued indulgence, of Bri- 
tain ; to the incitements of party-men, and to the 
imbecility of rulers ; the nation found herfelf, at 
length, obliged to enter into a ferious conteft with 
her tranf-atlantic provinces, fhe happily enjoyed 
all the advantages of a bufy manufadlure, of a 
vigorous commerce, of a moft extenfive naviga- 
tion, and of a produdive revenue. Of thefe ani-. 
mating truths, we Iball receive fufficient convidion, 
by examining the following particulars : 

After liquidating every claim, fubfequent to the 
peace of 1763, and funding every debt, by align- 
ing an half-yearly interefl, for every principal, the 
public enjoyed an annual furplus, from the public 
impofts, of two millions two hundred thoufand 

pounds^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G, BRITAIN. 15^ 

pounds, in 1764. From 1765 to 1770, this fink- 
ing fund accumulated to £ 2,266,246. And from 
1770 to 1775? the furplufes of all our taxes 
amounted annually to the vaft fum of ^.2,65 1,455; 
which having rifen, in 1775, and 1776, to three 
millions and upwards, proved a never-failing re- 
fource, amid the financial embarraifments of the 
enfuing war. Thefe fa6ts alone furnifli the moft 
fatisfadlory evidence of the great confumption of 
the collective mafs of the people, and of their 
ability to confume, from their adive labours, and 
accumulating opulence. 

Yet, during the profperous period of the peace, 
there were only difcharged of the capital of the 
national debt - - ^ - ^ ^ £, ^0*739^793' 

And there remained, notwithflanding every di- 
minution, when the war of the colonies began, in 
1775, a national debt of - - ;f • i35»943'05i ^ 



Whereoii was paid to the public 

creditors an annuity of -^ '- ;^. 4,440,821 *. 



The price of the flock of the Bank of England 
rofe meanwhile from 113 percent, in July 1764, 
to 143 percent, in July 1774; and difcounts on 
the bills of the navy fell from 6|- per cent, at the 
firft epoch, to i^ at the fecond. The reform of 
the coin turned the nominal exchanges on the fide 
pf Britain^ which were, in fad, favourable before 

* Pr. Price, and Sir J, Sinclair, 

hoflili. 



156 ANESTIMATEOF 

hoftilities began, owing to the flouridiing ftate of 
our trade, and the advantageous courfe of our 
general payments. And the price of bullion fell, 
becaufe the fupply was fuperior to the demand. 
From the foregoing notices, an able flatefman might 
liave inferred beforehand, thai Great Britain never 
pofTelTed fuch refources^ for a vigorous war. And 
this truth may be afferted, without fear of contra- 
drfiiion, and without appealing to the immenfity 
of fubfequent fupplies, for unanfwerable proofs of 

The furplus produce of the land and labour of 
England alone, which, being exported to foreign 
countries, might have been applied to the ufes of 
war, amounted to ^'.15,613,003, according to an 
average of the years 1772 — 3 — 4*. 

The Britidi (hipping, which were chiefly em- 
ployed in exporting this immenfe cargo, and which 
were eafily converted into tranfports, to armed 
ihips, and to privateers, amounted annually to 
795,943 tons : and this extenlive nurfery furnilhed 
the royal navy with mariners of unequalled ikill 
and bravery, during a naval war, in the laft year 
of which, the Parliament voted a hundred and ten 
thoufand feamen. 

We may calculate from the continual progrefs 
in population, arifmg from additional employ- 

• There was moreover fent by Sea from Scotland, at the 
fame time, an annual cargo of the value of jC*^»5''5'^^5> ^^ 
\ye may believe the Cuftom-l^oufe books. 

ments. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I57 

ments, that there were in this illand, at the 
epoch of the colonial revolt, full 2,350,000 fighting 
men. 

By examining the following details, we (hall 
acquire ideas fufficiently precife of the royal navy, 
both before and after the war of the colonies be- 
gan':— 

The royal fleet carried in 1754 — 226,246 tons, 

in 1760 — 300,416 
in 1774 — 276,046. 



Of the king's fliips, exifting in 1774, feveral 
were found, on the day of trial, unfit for a6lual 
fervice. By an effort, however, which Britain 
alone could have made, there were added to the 
royal navy, during (ix years of war, from T775 to 

1781:-- 

Veffels. Guns. Tons. 

Of the line, with fifties, 44 carrying 3,002 and 56,144 

Twenties to forty- fours, no — 3»33i — 53.350 

Sloops ----- 160 — 2,555 "^ 37.160 



314 8,888 i46'654 



By a Hmilar effort, during fix years of the Re- 
volution-war, England was only able to add to 
her naval force 11,368 tons. And thus, was there 
a greater fleet fitted out, during the uncommon 
embarrafTments of the colony-war, than King 
William, or Queen Anne, or even tlian King 
George I. perhaps ever pofTefTed. Of thefe fhips. 

we 



T§S AN ESTIMATE OF 

We were unhappily deprived of feveral, either try 
the misfortunes incident to navigation, or by the 
good fortune of our enemies. Yet, we had in 
commiffion, in January 1783, the fleet, the power 
of which will be moft clearly perceived, from the 
following detail * ; when it is remembered, that 
there were voted, for the fervice of this year, a hun* 
dred and ten thoufand feamen. 



Ships, Guns. 




Men. 


20 of - 80 to 108 - 


carrying 


15.372 


44 of - - - 74 - 


- - - 


26,112 


45 of - 60 to 68 - 


• - - 


24,310 


18 of - - - 50 - 


^ - - 


5,468 


64 Frigates above 30 - 


- * - 


i3'765 


51 Ditto under 30 - 


* - * 


8,581 


no Sloops of - 18, and under. 


11,360 


15 Firefhips and bombs. 






26 Armed ibips, hiaxd. 


- * ] 




3"93 - Navigated by 


104,978 



Such was the naval force of Great Britain, which, 
-after a violent ftruggle, broke, in the end, the con- 
joined fleets of France, Spain, and Holland. The 
privateers of Liverpool, which have been already 

dated, 

* The above flatement, though in a difFerent form, was 
officially laid before the Houfe of Commons, at the debate on 
the peace. Befides the ihips in the lift of the Navy-board, 
there were feventeen, from 60 to 98 guns, ready to be com- 
miffioned. Steel Hates, in his Naval Chronology, the force 

of 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I59 

flated, alone formed a greater fleet than the armed 
colonies were ever able to equip. Owing to what, 
fatality, or to what caufe, it was, that the vaft 
flrength of Britain did not beat down the colonial 
infurgents, not in one campaign, but in three, it is 
the bufinefs of Hiflory to explain, with narrative 
elegance, and profound remark. 

It is now time to inquire into the lolTes of our 
trade, from the war of thofe colonies, which had 
been planted, and nurfed, with a mother's care, for 
the exclufive benefit of our commerce* 

If it was not much interrupted by the privateers 
of the malcontents, we loft whole mercantile fleets 
to our enemies. And it muft be admitted, that 
in the courfe of no war^ fince that of the Revo- 
lution, were our fhipping fo much deranged, or 

of the fleets of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Holland,, 
at the end of the war, as under : 

Of the line. Guns. 

Britifh fliips ----- 145 carrying io>i32; 
Dedu6l thofe wanting repairs, 28 — 1,948 



Britifh effeaiye . - - - 


117 
82 

33 

182 

49 


- 


8,184 
5,848 


C^qnifh 




Dutch - . 


wanting repairs. 


4,730 
2,006 


Dedua thofe 


12,574 
2,928 



More than Great Britain - 16 -— 1,462 



our 



l6o AN ESTIMATE OF 

our traffic fo far driven from its ufual channels. 
But, we fhall fee the precife flate of both, by at- 
tending to tlie following details •: 











Value of 




Years. 


Ships cleared Outwards. 


Cargoes. 




(^77^) 


Tons Eng. Do foreign. 


Total. 


^ 


In the peaceful 


r^775l 


•79S>943 - 64,232 - 
) 


860,175 - 


15,613,005 


American war 


Id 


^760,798 - 73,234, - 


S34>°32 - 


13,861,812 


French war - 


1778 


657,238 - 9S,ii3 - 


755.351 - 


11,551,070 


Spanlih war - 


1779 


590,911 - I39>J24 - 


730,035 - 


12,603^150 




1780 


619,462 - 1 34^515 - 


753.977 - 


11,622,333 


Dutch war 


17S1 


S47>953 - 163,410 - 


711,363 - 


10,569,187 




17S2 


552,851 - 208,511 - 


761,362 - 


i2»355>75o 



If we review this fatisfactory evidence, we fhall 
probably find, that there were annually employed, 
when the colony-war began, more than one hun- 
dred and fifty thoufand tons of Britifh (hipping, 
than had been yearly employed, during the prof- 
perous years 1764 — 5 — 6; and that we annually 
exported of merchandizes, in the firft-mentloned 
period, more than in the laft, little lefs than a mil- 
lion in value : That the colonial conteft little af- 
fected our foreign commerce, if we may judge 
from -the decreafed flate of our flilpping * ; but, 
if we draw our inference from the diminifhed va- 
lue of exported cargoes, we feem to have lofb 
;f. 1,751,190 a year; which formed, perhaps, 
the real amount of the ufual export to the difcon- 
tented provinces : And the inconfiderable decreafe 

• There were entered inwards of fhips belonging to the 
revolted colonies, 34,587 tons, according to an average of the 
years 177 1—2 — 3 — 4. 

in 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN". l6r 

in the numbers of our outward fiiipping, with the 
fall in the value of manufadures, whereof their 
cargoes confifted, juftified a (hrewd remark of Mr. 
Eden's, " that, in the latter period it may be 
doubted, whether the dexterity of exporters, which, 
in times of regular trade, occafions oftentatious 
entries, may not, in many inftances, have operated 
to under- valuations," It was the alarm created by 
the interference of France, that firft mterrupted 
our general commerce, though our navigation and 
trade, ia 1778, Vv^cre fiili a good deal more, than 
the average of both, in 1755 — 6 — 7. The prof-- 
perity of our foreign traffic, during the war of 
1756, at leaft Irom the year 1758, is a fact, in our 
commercial annals, v/hich has excited the amaze- 
ment of the v/orld. Yet, let us fairly contrail both 
our fnlpping, and our trade, great as they were af- 
furedly. during the firii period, and little as they 
have been fuppoled to be, during the laft : 

Ships Cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes. 

Years. Tons F.-igl fli. D ' loreign. Total. £. 

1758 - 389,842 - 116,002-505,844- 12,618,335 
1778 - 657,238 - 9^.1^3-755^351- 11,55^070 



'759 - 406,335 - 121,016 - 527,351 - 23,947,788 
1779 - 590,911 - 139,124- 730,035 - 12,693,430 



1760 - 471,241 . 102,737 - 573,978 - 14,639,970 
1780 - 619,462 - 134,515 - 7'^>977 - ii>622,335 

1761 - 508,220 - 117,835 - 626,055 - 145873,191 
17-^1 - 547.953 - 163,410 - 711,363 - 10,569,187 

1762 - 480,444 - 120,126 - 600,570 - 13,545,171 
^7^2 - Sd'^'^^5'^ - ?-o8,5ii - 761,362 - 12,355,750 

M Wnat 



t6z an estimate 1? 

What had occurred, from the interruptions of aK 
our foregoing wars, equally occurred from the- 
flill greater embarrafiments of the colony-war. 
Temporary defalcations were, in the fame manner, 
faid to be infallible fymptoms of a fatal decline. 
In the courfe of former hoftilities, we have feea. 
our navigation, and commerce, prelled down to a 
certain point, whence both gradually rofe, even 
before the return of peace removed the incumbent 
prefTure. All this, an accurate eye may perceive,^ 
amid the commercial diftrelies of the laft war. 
There was an evident tendency, in our traffic, to 
rife, in 1779, till the Spanilh war impofed an ad- 
ditional burden. There was a funilar tendency, in 
.1780, till the Dutch war added, in 1781, no in- 
confiderable'iveigbt. And the 5'ear 1781, accord- 
ingly, marks the iovvefl: degree of deprefiion, both 
of our navigation, and our commerce^ during the 
war of our colonies. But, with the fame vigorous 
fpirit, they both equally role, in 1782, as they 
had rifen, in former wars, to a fuperiority over our 
navigation, and commerce, during the year, wherein 
hoflilities with France began. 

We have beheld, too, on the return of complete 
peace, the fpring of our traffic rebound with 
mighty force. A confiderate eye may fee this, in 
1783, and 1784, though the burdens of war were 
then removed with a much more tardy hand, than 
in 1763, and 1764. Twenty years before, the pre- 
liminaries of peace were fettled, in NoveA^ber 
1762, and the deEnitive treaty v/ith France and 

Spain 



THIi STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 1 63 

Spain was figned, on the tenth of February there- 
after: fo that complete tranquillity was reflored, early 
iri 1763. But, owing to the greater number and 
variety of belligerent powers, the lafh peace was 
iully efhabliflied, by much flower fleps. The pro- 
vifional articles were fettled with the feparated co- 
lonies, in November 1782. The preliminaries with 
France and Spain were adjufted, in January 1783. 
The definitive treaty with both, and with the 
United States of America, was figned on the third 
of September 1783. Though an armiftice was 
agreed on with Holland, in February 1783, preli- 
minaries were not fettled till September thereafter, 
and the definitive treaty was not figned till the 
twenty-fourth of May 1784. And with Tippoo 
Saib, who was no mean antagonift, peace was not 
concluded till March 1784. It was not, however, 
till July 1784, that we offered thanks to the Air- 
mighty,' ix)r refhoring to an haraffed, though not an 
exliaufted nation, the greateil blefling, which the 
Almighty can befhow. 

To tr.ofe dates, and to this fad, we mufl care- 
fully attend, in forming comparative eftimates of 
our navigation and commerce, of the price of the 
public flocks, or of the progrefs of our financial 
operations. With thefe recoiledions conftantly in 
our mind, we fliall be able to make fome accurate 
refledions, from the foliowingr details : 



M 2 Epochs 



1-64' AN ESTIMATE OF 

Epochs. Ships cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoeyj- 

174-0 "^Tons Englifh. D« foreign. Total. £. 

^o ^ 609,798 - 51,386 - 661,184 - 12,599,112. 
66 



6c I 639,872 - 68,136 - 708,008 - 14,925,950 
3 



J 77 2 -J 

73 > 795'943 - 64,232 - 860,175 - 15,613,003, 

74) 
27S3 795»6<^9- 157^969 - 953'%S - 13,85^,671 

84 846,355-113,064-959,419- 14,171,375 

85 951^^55 -i<^3.39^-L055>253- 15^7^2,593 



IF we examine the rubjolned flate of the Poll- 
office revenue, we fhali find fupplemental proofs- 
of increafing: profperity. The grojs income of 
tfie pfts amounted,, in the yeai", ending 

the 25 March 1755, to -/.2!o,66j 

— 5 Ap^i^ 1765' to^ - 281,535; 

— 5 April 1775, to - 345,321. 

— 5 April 1784, lo - 420,101 

— 5 April 1785, to - 463,753 

The foregoing ftatements will furely furniih 
every honeft mind with comfortable thoughts. 
From thofe accurate details we perceive, with fufE- 
cient convidlion,. how fuperior both our naviga- 
tion and our commerce were, in. 1783 and 1784^ 
when peace had fcarcely returned, to the extent of 
both, after the treaty of Aix4a-Chapelle, an. epoch 



THE STRENGTH OF t5. BRITAIN. 1^5 

Tjf boafted profperity. We employed in our traffic, 
in the year 1784, three hundred thousand 
TONS more than we employed, according to the 
average of 1 749—50—51^ e^ihfive of the fiipping 
of Scotland,, to no Imall amount. Of Briti/Ji fliips, 
we happily employed, in 1784, two hundred 
THOUSAND TONS more -than our navigation em- 
ployed in 1764, though the veffels of cur revolted 
colonies, amounting yearly to 35,000 tons, had 
been juftly excluded from our traffic, in the lafh 
period, but not in the firft-: The value of exported 
-cargoes from ^England was, at -both epochs, nearly 
.equal ; though 1 784 can fcarcely be called a com- 
plete year of peace, and every induftrious people 
had been admitted within the circle of a commerce, 
which we had almoft ruined the fiate to make 
excluiively ours. The value of our exportations, 
in 1784, was not indeed equal to the amount of 
-our exports in 1764, but they v/ere fuperior to the 
^alue of exported cargoes in 1766., 1767, and 
1769*. If we compare 1784, when we had hardly 
recovered from a war, avowedly carried on againft 
commerce, with 1774, when we had enjoyed un-= 
com-mon profperity, during feveral years- of peace, 
'We fliall fee no caufe of apprehenfion, but many 
reafons of hope ; the number of Britifh fhips wag 
•much inferior, in 1774, than they were in 1784, 
after we had wifely excluded the American vefiels 
fjjora tiie protedien of the Britifh flag, of whlth 

f See the Chronological Table for a ^Tooi oi the fa^, 

U J the 



I 66 Al^r ESTIMATE Or 

the revolted colonifts had fliewn themfelves un- 
y/orthy. The value of cargoes, which were ex- 
ported, at both the periods, are fo nearly equal, 
as not to merit much conlideration, far lefs to 
excite our fears. 

Yct^ the government was about the fame time 
affurediy told *, that, unlefs the American iliipping 
were allovved to be our carriers, cur traffic muii 
ftop, ior want of tranfports : And the nation, for 
years, had been factioufly informed, that the inde- 
pendence of the malecontent colonies mufl prove, 
at once the deilrudion of cur commerce, and the 
downfai of our power. 

It was the prevalence of this fentiment, that 
chiefly generated the colony-war, which was pro- 
cluftive of 10 many evils, and which, like the other 
eviis of life, have brought with them a happy por- 
tion of good. Yet, the fallacy of this fentiment 
had been previoully fliewn, from the dedudlions 
of reafens and the effedts of tlie abfolute indepen- 
dence of our tranf-atlantic provinces, had been 
clearly foretold, from the experience of the pafb. 
Tmie has at length decided the fa5l. For, by com- 
paring the exports to the difcontented colonies^ before 
the war began, with the exports to the Ujiited States^ 
after the admiffion of their independence, it will 
appear, from the following detail, that we now 



« Bv the Committee of Weft-India Merchants, in i']ii- 

fupplj/' 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAINT. l6'; 

fupply them with manufa6lures to a greater amount, 
ttan even in the moil profperous times : Thus, 

Exports. Injpoi-ts. 

^n 177O £' I' 

72 L — 3,064,843 ~ 1,322,532 V 

73 j 

in 1784 — 3>397»5oo* — 749'329» 



Yet, the expoitations of the yeai-s 1771 — 2 — 3 
ivere beyond example great, becaufe the colonifls 
were even then preparing tor fubfequcnt events, 
and the exporters were induced to make their 
entries at the cuftom-houfe, partly by their vanity, 
perhaps as much by their fadtioufnefs. We may 
reafonably hope, then, to hear no more of our 
having loft the American commerce, by the in- 
dependence of the United States. From the 
epoch, that we have met induftrious competitors in 
their ports, we have had too much real on to com- 
plain of having rather traded too much Vv^ith a peo- 
ple, who aiFed to be great traders,, without having 
great capitals. 

Conneded with the American trade is the New- 
foundland €fliery. Of this Dot^or Price afferted, 
m his ufual ftylc of depreciation, and defpondence, 
that we feem to have totally loft it. The fubjoined 
detail, by eftabUlliing fome authentic fads, will 
give rife, however, to more animating conciufions. 

» From the Cuftom-houre books. 

¥ 4 Contrail 



l68 A N E S T I M A T E O F 

Contraft the Newfoundland fifliery, as it was an^ 
TAially dated, fubfequent to the peace of 1763, by 
Admiral Pallifer, and as it was equally rcpr-fcnted, 
after the peace of 1703, by x\dniiral Campbell : 

Comparative State of the Newfoundland Fishery. 

In 1764 - 1784 — 1765 - 1785 

There were BritIlh^/'«^ /hips - 141- 
Britiih tradirg fhips - 97 - 

Colony fhips - - - 205 - 

Tonnage of Britifli^/»o- fhips - 14,8 rg - 2^,535 

of Biitifh^rd!d'/wp;lhips - 11,924 - 6,297 — ^voSS " 9>20z 

of Cu/owj' fhips - - - 13,837- 4,202— 6,927 - 6j26o 



.36- 
60 — 


177 - 
116 - 


29Z 


50 — . 

535 — 


104 - 

17,268 - 


58 

26,528 



Qulntalsoffifh carried to foreign 7 00 co r c 

^^ S- 47o,iS8 -497,884 — 493,654 - 591,276 

markets ----- -i 

Thus^ by excluding the fifhcrs of the revolted 
colonies, we enjoy at prefent a more extenfive fifh- 
ery for the piariners of Great Britain, who, being 
fubjed to our influence, or our power, may eafily 
be brought into adipn, when then* efficacious aid 
"becomes the moft necelTary, during war. From 
^hofe colonies, a hundred and fifteen Hoops and 
fchooners ufed, annually, to bring cargoes of rum, 
rnelalTes^ bread, flour, and other provifions, to 
Newfoundland, for which the colonifl:s were paid 
in bills of exchange on Britain*. To acquire this 
traffic for Britifli merchants, is alone a confiderable 
advantage, which we derive from the independence 
of the United States. About twelve hundred 

* Admiral Pallifer' s o^i^l repore, 

failpr^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 169 

fliilors were accuftomed to emigrate, every feafon, 
from Newfoundland to the feparated colonies ; 
where, whatever they might gain, their ufefulnefs 
to Britain was loft. This drain, which is now (hut 
up, is perhaps a ftill greater benefit. 

Our G reenland fifhery, Vs^hich gives employment 
to fo many ufeful people, both by land and fea, 
has been equally promoted by the abfoiute inde- 
pendence of the United States; as their oil and 
other marine produdlions no longer enter injio 
competition with our own. Thus, there failed to 
the Greenland feas, 

Years. Ships. Years. Ships. 

From England in 1772 - ^q — in 1782 - 38 

1773-55— 17S3 - 47 

1774-^5— 17^4- 89 

1775-96— 17S5-140 

From Scotland ^ - ~ 17S5-13 



From this accurate detail, we perceive, then, 
how much this important fiiliery, which had been 
heretofore deprelfed by various competitors *, fiou- 
rifhes, at prefent, while we have additionally 

* T4e Britifli fifliery to Greenland has gained a nianifell: 
fuperiority over that of the Dutch, which was once fo confi- 
derable. In 1781 and 1782 the Dutch fent no Ihips to the 
Greenland feas : 

And in 1783 only 55 fhips, 
in 1784 - 59 
in 1785 - 65 



acquired 



I yO AN ESTIMATE OF 

acquired the whale fiflieiy to the Southern 
Seas. 

Yet^ the malecontent colonlflis, who had long 
been the^dtive competitors of their fellow-fubjeds, 
in Great Britain, were accuftomed to think that 
this illand could not exifl without the gains of 
their commerce,. Foreign powers equally thought 
that they could ruin the affairs of Great Britain, by 
contrib^^tins; to their inder^endeace. And to this 
fource alone may be traced up one of the chief 
caufes o^ the colony-war, and of the interference 
of foreigners. But, v>/ere we to fearch the annals 
of mankmd, we fhould not hnd an example of 
hoftilities, which being commenced, in .oppofition 
to the genuine interefl: of the belligerent parties, 
were continued, for years, in contradidion to com-r 
mon fenfe. 

The leader-g of the malecontents feem at length 
difpofed to admit, that being hurried on by paffion, 
they facrificed their commerce, and their happinefs, 
to fa!:lious prejudices, and to unmeaning words. 
Had they been fufBciently acquainted with their 
own interefl:s, aiid governed by any prudence, 
they might, before the war began, have retained a 
participation in Britifh privileges, and the protec- 
tion of Britifh powerj by verbally admitting, that 
^^ihey were the felloW-fubjec5ts of the Britifii people, 
/ without being really incumbered with any burden. 
I I And they might have thereby gained the late 
fituation of Ireland, with the invaluable parti- 
cipations ol Ireland; which, to eftlmate juftly, we 
;/ o^ght 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 171 

ought only to fuppofe retracled for a feafon, or | 
t;ven loft for a day. * 

It is, indeed, fortunate for us, that the French 
were fo much blinded by the fpiendour of giving 
independence to the Britifh colonies^ as not to fee 
diftinclly how much their interpoiition and their 
p,id promoted the real advantage of Great Britain. 
When the colony-war began^ the true intereft of 
France confifted, in protrading the entanglements, 
which necefiarily refulted from the virtual depen- 
dence of thirteen diftant communities, claiming 
Separate and foyereigp rights ; and which had con- 
tinued to enfeeble the Britifli government by their 
pretenfions, their clamours, and then- oppofition, 
till the diffatisfied provincials had, in the fulnefs of 
time, feparated thcmfelves, without any effort on 
their part, or any ftruggle on the iide of Great 
Britain. From thefe embarraifments, the French 
have however freed, by their impolicy, the rival 
nation. And they have even conferred on the 
people, whom they wilhed to deprefs, aduai 
ftrength, by reftoring, unconfcioully, the (liip- 
building, the freights, and the fi flier ies ; of which 
the colonifts had too much partaken, and which, 
with other facilities, have refulted to the mother- 
country^ from the abfolute independence of the 
American ftates. 

Spain, perhaps, as little attended to her genuine 
interefts, when (lie lent her aid tothe affociatcd- 
powers, which enabled the revolted colonies to ; 
take their free and equal ftation among the {bwe-i 

reiRnI 



J^Z AN E'-STIMATE OF 

reign nations of the earth, Sl).e might havis 
truited to the hopes and fears of a Britilli Mi- 
nifter, for the fecurity of her trani^atlantic em- 
pire. But, within the Am.erican States, where 
yCan file place her trufl: ? The citizens of thefe dates 
have already, with their ufual enterprize, pene- 
trated to the banks of the Miffiffippi. And this 
4a6live people even novs^ bound on Louifiana, and 
Mexico ; and ntay even now, by intrigue, or force, 
Ihake the fidelity, or acquire the opulence, of thofe 
^xtenfive territories. 

When the Dutch, by departing from their ufual 
caution, interpofed in the quarrel, every intelligent 
European perceived, that the difcontented colonies 
inuft neceifarily be independent. And it wa-s 
■equally apparent, that every advantage of their 
traffic mufi: have foon been acquired, by the more 
indufirious nations, without the riik of unneigh- 
bourly interference, and ftili more, without the 
-charge of aclual hoftilities. 

When all parties became at length weary of a 
war, which had thus been carried on contrary to 
their genuine intercfts, a peace was made. What- 
-ever advantages of commerce, or of revenue, may 
have refulted from this memorable event to tlie 
other belligerent powers, certain it is, that though 
•Great Britain contraded vail debts^ and lofl: many 
lives in the conteft, the derived from the inde- 
pendence of the American States many benefits^ 
exclufive gf domeftic quiet, the greatefl; of all be- 
liefits. 

Had 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRilTAIN* tyj, ^ 

Had Great Britain, like Spain, received any ' 
public revenue from her tranf-atlantic territories,, i 
ihc had doubtlcfs loft this income by the inde- ' 
pendence of her Colonies. If Great Britain has 
thereby loft fovcreignty, without jurifdidion, flie J 
has freed herfelf from the charges of proteding' 
an extenfive coaft, without deduding any thing: 
from her naval ftrength; fince the colony failors 
were proteded by pofitive ftatute * from being 
forced into the public fervice. While this nation 
has faved the annual expence of great military 
and civil eftablifliaients, it carj hardly be faid to 
have loft any commercial profits. And, by ex- 
eluding the citizens of the United States, from their 
accuftomed participation, in the gainful buiinefs of 
ihip-building, freights,, and nftiery, Great Britain 
has, in fad, made confiderable additions to her 
naval power. Thus, the means, which were ufed 
to enfeeble this country, have adually augmented 
its ftrength, whatever may have been the fate of the 
other belligerent parties. 

It muft be admitted, however, that the Britiftx- 
government contraded immenfe debts by carry- 
ing on the late moft expenlive war. When thefe 
were brought to account, in Odober 1783,^ the 
whole debts, payable at the Exchequer, amounted 
to £.212,302,429 capital; whereon, wer^ paid 

* The 6th Anne, which had conferred the above-mentioned 
exemption, v/as indeed repealed at the commencement of the 
war, by the 1,5 Geo. III. ch, 3K § 19, 

^.- 8,0 1 2,06 r,- 



174 AN ESTIMATE OF 

;^\' 8,012,061*, as intereft and charges of ma- 
nagement. For the payment of this annuity, the * 
legiflature had provided funds, which, it m-ufh be 
allowed, did not produce a revenue equal to 
previous expectation, or to fubfequent neceffity. 
And, burdenfome as thefe debts undoubtedly were, 
they had little embarralTed general circulation, had 
this principle, and this annuity, form.ed the only 
claims on the public, which had arifen from the 
colony-war. 

But, every war leaves many unliquidated claims, 
which are the more diftrefsful to mdividuals and 
the ftate, as thefe unfunded debts float in the flock- 
market as great difcount ; as they depreciate the 
value of all public fecurities ; and as, from thefe 
circumfiiances, they obftrutfi: the financial opera- 
tions of government, and prevent private perfons 
from borrowing for the mod ufeful purpofes of 
produdlive induftry. Of fuch unfunded debts, 
there floated in the market, in October 1783, no 
lefs than ^T. 18,856,542 ; of which /. 15,694,112 
were fo far liquidated as to carry an intereft, that 
continually augmented the capitals, exclufive of 
other claims, which were equally cogent, but of 
lefs amount. 

The public fecurities, which always rife in value, 
en the return of peace, gradually fell, when thofe 
vafb debts were expofed to the world, in exagge- 

* The Exchequer account, as publiihed by the commiifion- 
crs of public accounts. 

ratedf 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. IJ^ 

rated figures ; when the ftockholders were terrified 
by declamations on the defeds of their fecurity, 
which is, in fadl, equal to the (lability of the Bri- 
tifii State ; and when all claimants on the public 
were daily afiured of a truth, which had then too 
much exifhence, that the annual income of the 
public was not equal to the annual expenditure. 
The late Earl of Stair was the writer:, who moil 
induftrioufly laid iuch confiderations before the 
world. " If the premifes are jufl:,'' faid he, " or 
'^ nearly jufc, and nothing effeduai is done to pre- 
" vent their confequences, the inevitable conclufion 
" is, that the State is a bankrupt, and thofe, who 
" hav^ entrufled their all to the public faith, are 
'' in imminent danger of becoming (I die pro- 
" nouncing it) beggars*,'' 

The vvafp the hive alarms 
With louder hums, and with unequal arms. 

The nation was mortified, at the fame time, by 
the events of a war, the mifmanagements, and ex- 
pences, of which had made peace abfolutely necef- 
fary. And the government was at once enfeebled, 
by diftradions, and unhinged, by the competitions 
of the great, for pre-eminence, and power. 

It was at this crifis of unufual difficulty, that 
the late minifter was called into office, nearly 

* An argument to prove, that it is the indifpenfable duty of 
the creditors of rhe public, to infiH that Governmeut do forth- 
with bring forward the Conlideration of the State of the 
Nation, B/ John Earl of Stair, 1783, 

as 



17^ ANESTIMATEOF 

as much by the fuffrages of his country, as by 
the appointment of his fovereign. 

Were we to infhitute a comparifon of the ftate 
of the nation, in 1764 and 1765, with the financial 
operations in 1784 and 1785, we (liouid be ena- 
bled to form a proper judgment, not only of the 
incumbrances, and refources, of the Britifli govern- 
ment, but of the meafures, which were at both 
Jjeriods adopted, for difcharging our debts^ by ap- 
plying our means. 

The war of 1756 augmented the public debt 

£, 72,111,004 
of 1775 - - - . > 110,279,341 



In 1764, the unfunded debts, including German 
claims, navy and ordnance debt, army extraor- 
dinaries, deficiencies of grants and funds, exche- 
quer bills, and a few fmaller articles, amounted 

to - - - - ' L 9'975'O^S- 

In 1784, the unfunded debts, includ- 
ing every article of the fame kind, 
amounted to - - - - 24,585,157. 



The navy bills fold, in 1764, at 9I- per cent. 
difcount ; in 1784, at 20 -per cent. The value of 3 
-per cent, confolidated flocks, from which the mod 
accurate judgment of all fhocks may be formed, 
was in 1764 at Z^ per cent.-y but, in 1784, the 
value may be calculated at 54 per cent. In the 
firfl period, our agriculture and manufadures, our 

commerce 



tHE sfRENGTfit OF b. BRixAlk. tjj 

fcorhmerce and navigation^ were faid to be in the 
inofl profperous condition ; in the lail, to be almoit 
undone. 

With the foregoing data before us, we fhall be 
able, without any minute calculations, or tedious 
inquiry, to form an adequate judgment of the 
refources of the nation, and of the condudl of mi- 
nifters, in applying thefe refources to the public 
fervice, at the conclulion of our two kft wars. 

In 1764 — 65, there were paid off, and provided 

for,* £. 6,192,159; 

In 1784—85 ------ f 28,139,448. 

There remained unprovided foi", 

in 1765, -— in 1785, 
' German claims ^. 156,044 - — £. 
Navy debt - - 23426,915 — - 
Exchequer bills - 1,800,000 ~ 4,500,000 

Totalin both£. 4,382,959* —^^ 4,500,000 

* Confid. on Trade arid Finances, P- 4^' 

f The following are the particulars, from the annual grants 
and appropriation zd.5 i 
Debts funded in 1784, -----„» ^. 6,879,342, 
£)ebts paid off, and otherwife provided for, in 

1784. ^ - - . - - ^^^28,615, 

Debts funded, in 1785, - - ^ - . - 10,990,651,' 

Debts paid ofF, and otherwife provided for, in 

1785, -----...->„ 4,540,840. 

m il . ■ 

Total of debts paid off, funded, and other- 7 /. ^ 
wife provided for, in 1784— 85, - - j i^'^^>^Z9M^* 

N But,^ 



17? AH ESTIJf^ATE OF 

Bnty let us carry this comparifon one Hep 
farther. There were paid off, and provided 
for, (as we have feen,) ini 764 and 1 765, o( unfunded 
debts, ^ --.---.- ^, 6^192,159^ 
There were afterwards paid off, be- 
fore 1776, ^ . - * . . 10,739^793. 



Total paid off, in eleven years, - £. 16,931,952, 
There were paid off, and provided 

far, in two years, 1784—85, - a8,i39,44Si 



Yet, from this laft fum, muft be deduced the 
/. 4,500,000 of Exchequer bills, which, being 
continued, at the end of 1785, were either circu- 
lated by the Bank, or were, in the courfe of public 
bufinefs, locked up in the Exchequer, Thofc 
bills, indeed, that paffed into circulation, \vere of 
real ufe to the Bank, and to individuals, without 
depreciating funded property, as they continually 
palTed, from hand to hand, at a premium. 

There was no purpofe, when the foregoing com- 
parifons were inftltuted, of exalting the characfler 
of the late miniiler, for wifdom, and energy, by 
the degradation of any of his predeceffors,for inanity 
of purpofe, and inefficiency of performance. The. 
able men, who managed the national finances from 
1763 to 1776, aded like all former (latefraerr,;, 
&om the circumftances, wherein they were placed^ 
and probably made as great exertions, in difcharg- 
ing the national debts,- as the fpirit of the times 
Q admitted 



THE StRENGtit OF C^i i^RlTAIN. tj^ 

^ctmitted. Greater efforts have, fince the laft 
peace, been madej beeaufe ever)?" wife tnan declared^ 
that there was no other efFed:uai mode of fecuring 
all that the nation holds dear, than by making the 
public incbme larger than the public expenditure. 
The before-mentioned operations of finance, in 
1784 and 853 it had been impofTible to perform ^ 
without impofing many taxes> which all parties 
demanded as neceflary. Were any defence required 
for a conduft> w'hichj if the faithful difcharge of 
duty, at no fmall riik of perfonal credit, be laudable^ 
merits the greateft praife, the previous neceflity 
would furnifh ample juftifi cation. 

What had occurred, at the conclufion of every 
war, fince the Revolution, happened in a flill 
greater degree, fince the re-eflablilhment of the 
lafl peace. Let us make hafie to lighten the pub- 
lic debts, which fo much enfeeble the flate, and 
embarrafs individuals, was the univerfal cry. It 
was the judgment of the wifefl men, that, con- 
fidering the magnitude of the national incum- 
brances, thofe debts could neither be paid off, nor 
greatly lefTened, except by a finking fund, which 
fliould be invariably applied to this mofl ufeful 
purpoie. And, great as the national debts were, 
amounting tO;^. 239,154,880 principal, which, for 
interefl and charges of management, required an 
annuity of^. 9,175,769, after ail the financial ope- 
rations of 1784 and 85, a fmkingfund of a mil>- 
lion was faid to be fully fufHcient, if thus facredly 
N 2 applied i 



l8o AN ESTIMATTE Of 

applied , as the produdlive powers of money, st 
compound intereft, are almoil beyond calculation. 

Animated by fuch reprefentations, and urged 
by fenfe of duty, the minifter, though ftruggling 
with the embarraffing effe6ts of a tedious, and un- 
fuccefsful war, which, in the judgment of very 
experienced men, had almofi: exhaufted every na- 
tional refource, has eftablifhed a fmking-fund of a 
million. Whatever might have been the univerfal 
wiili, no one, at the re-eftabli(hment of the peace, 
had any reafonable expedation, that fo large a 
fmking-fund would be thus early fettled, by ad of 
parliament, on principles, which at once promote 
the intereft of the public, by .diminiiliing the na- 
tional debt, and forward the advantage of indivi- 
duals, by creating a rapid circulation. 

Of other finking-funds, it has been remarked, 
that they did not arife fo m.ucli from the furplufes 
of taxes, after paying ths annuity, which they had 
been eftablifhed to pay, as from a redudion of the 
ftipulated intereft. The fmking funds^ that had been 
eftablilhed in Holland, during 1655, and at Rome, in 
1685, v/ere thus created. The well-known iinking- 
fond, which had its commencement here, in 1716, 
was equally created, by the redudion of intereft, on 
many ftocks. And hence has been inferred the 
infufficiency of fuch funds. But, the foundation of 
Mr. Pitt's iinking-fund is firmly laid on a. clear 
farplus of a permanent revenue, made good by 
new taxes, and on the conftant appropriation of 

. :. ib€h 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. l8l 

fuch annuities as, from time to time, revert to the 
public, from the effluxion of years. 

Thefufficiency, andfacrednefs, of this fund may 
be however inferred, not fo much from any arti- 
ficial reafoning, as from the nature of the trufts, 
and from the fpirit of the people, which ever 
guards, with anxiety, what has been dedicated to 
their conftant fecurity, and future glory. The 
finking-fund of 1 7 1 6 was left to the management 
of minifters, who found an interefl, in mifapplying 
it. Mr. Pitt's finking-fund has been entrufled to 
fix commiflioners, holding ofEces, which are no 
way connected with each other, and to the pof- 
fefTors of which, the people look for fidelity, know- 
ledge, and refponfibihty. From fuch truftees no 
mifappiication, or jobbing, can reafonably be ap- 
prehended. Eighteen years have almofl elapfedj 
iince the eftablifhment of their authority, and nei- 
ther jobbing, nor mifraanagement, has been fufpect- 
ed by malice, or fadion. Add to this, that the com- 
rniflioners, being required by law to lay out the 
appropriated money in a fpecified manner, and to 
give an annual account of their tranfadions to 
Parliament, ad under the eye of a jealous world, 
and under the cenfure of an independent prefs, 
which, in a free country, has an efficacy beyond 
the penalties of the legiflature. 

But, the ad itfelf, which creates this fund, and 

makes thofe provifions, may be repealed, it is 

feared, by the rapacity of future miniflers, or by 

* N 3 the 



l82 AN ESTIMATE OP 

the diftrefs of fubfequejit wars. -Againll this ob^ 
jeclion experience has alio given its decifion. 

It is, however, no fmall fecurity of the prefent 
finking-fimd, that the impolicy of mifapplying the 
fqrmer is admitted with univerfal convidion, and 
•regret. Under this public opinion, no minifter, 
whatever his principles, or his power, may be^ will 
ever attempt the repeal of a law, which, in jfa6t, 
contains a virtual contraft with the public credi- 
tors, and on the exiftence of which the public 
credit muft, in future, depend : For the repeal of 
this ad, and the feizure of this fund, during the 
preflures of any war, would be a manifefl breach 
of this contrad > and would amount to a bank-^ 
ruptcy; becaufe it wo\ild be a declaration to the 
world, that the nation could no longer comply 
with her mofl facred engagernents. And what 
evil is to be feared, or gooci expeded, from any 
war, which ought to ftand in competition with the 
evils of bankruptcy, or the good that muft necef- 
farily refult from the invariable application of 
fuch a fund f A million, thus applied, will afluredly 
free thp public from vaft debts, and, in no long 
period, yield a great public revenue : It is demon- 
ftrable, that a finking-fund of a million, with the 
aid of fuch annuities as mufb meanwhile fall in,, 
will fet free four millions annually, at the end of 
twenty-feven years : It has been denponftrated by 
ingenious calculators, that the invariable applica- 
tion of a million to the annual payment of debts, 

would. 



THE STRENtfTH OF G. BRITAIN. 183 

would, in fixty years, difcharge ^f. 317,000,000 of 
3 per cent, annuities^ the price being at 7.5 per cent. 
In eight years, Mr, Pitt's linking-fund, in fad, 
purchafed jT. 13,617,895 of (lock, at the expence 
of j^. 10,599,265 of caQi. This meafure, then, is 
of more importance to Great Britain, than the 
acquiiition of the American mines. And, this 
meafure, thus facred in its principles, and falutary 
in its effeds, will not probably be foon repealed by 
the influence of any miniiler j becaufe all orders in 
the ftate are pledged to fupport it, while the pro- 
perty of every man in the community is bound 
for payment of the national debt. 

Without inquiring minutely, whether a furpms 
of £i 900,000 appeared in the exchequer on any 
given day, it is fufficiently apparent, tiiat all the 
purpofes of this meafure of finance will be amply 
anfwered, by the pun^flual payment of £, 250,000 
in every quarter to the truftees, as the law requires ; 
becaufe the Parliament are engaged by the ad: to 
make good the deficiency, if the furplus of the 
fmking-fund jfliould in any year amount to Jefs than 
a million. The facb is^ that £. 250,000 have been 
punctually applied, every quarter, iince it began to 
operate, on the i{lx)f Auguft 1786. Additional 
fums have meantime been thrown into the /inking- 
iund^ for giving a quicker pace to its powerful 
operations. And, by thefe means, has it producedj 
at the end of eight years, much greater cffedls 
than feme calculators originully conceived, from 

N 4 taking^ 



1^4 AN ESTIMATE OF 

taking, narrow views of a moft extenfive profit 

Little fluctuation in the funds will be created by 
fending into the Stock Exchange a certain fum, on 
certain days, during every quarter. It is the great; 

* Earl Stanhope was the cslculator, who urged every ob- 
js(5lion againll this fmking-fund with the moft ingenuity, and 
force; having a plan of his own tq propofe. His lordlhip 
form^pd a calculation, in order to ihovy the effed of a furplus o£ 
£. 1,000,000 a year, with fuch long annuities as might fall in. 
The fol'ovving detail will fhow the amount of his calculation, 
and the mm total of the faft, from experience, of ilock aftually 
bought, ai the end of every year. 



Eight Years. 


Earl Stanhope's 


Eight Years. 


The faa, from 




Calculations, 




experienae. 




£- 




' £■ 


5th April 1787 


I,OOC;000 


4th Quarter. 


1,343,100 


B^ - 1788 


2,065,351 


8th D° 


2,874.156 


D<> - 1789 


3'i73'3i6 


I2th D° 


4'447»i5Q 


D° - 1750 


4,325'599 


i6thD° 


5,997,900 


B° - 1791 


5,527,230 


20th D° 


7,568,875 


D« - 1792 


6^92,613 


24th D" 


9,441,850 


D° - 1793 


8,145,298 


28th D° 


11,196,165 


T>9 . 179^ 


9'553^3H 


32d D'^ 


13,617,895 



Thus, hath the event decided againft Earl Stanhope^s calcu- 
k'tions and plan, by a balance pf j^. 4,064,581, ir^ eight years 
operations. Lord Stanhope eftimated, that there would be 
redeeme4 by the fmking-fand, on the 5th of April, 1803,-- 
/". 25,043,498 : But, there were, in fac^, redeemed by it, on 
the ill of February, 1803, no lefs than j/^. 86,922,868 : and, 
on the :(ri of February, 180,4,^. 100,901,854; the Sinking Fund, 
amounting to j^. 1,600,000 a quarter. And, this experience is 
alone fufficient to fatisfy us how little the theories oifpeculatijii 
ought to be allowed to aduate the practice of life, or the move- 
inents of legiflation, 

" rife. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIH. 185 

rife, and the proportional fall, in the value of the 
flocks^ which enable jobbers to gain fortunes. 
And, of confequence, the commiflioners will hardly 
find it their intereft, if they had the inclination:, to 
deal in public fecurities with a view to great pro- 
fits *. If the gradual and fteady rife of the flocks 
be for the intereft of the public, as well as of in^ 
dividuals, the quarterly application of the new 
fund muft be deemed a great* improvement of the 
.old, which was feldom felt in the ftock market, 
and gave little motion to general circulation. By 
thefe means, will the capitals of the public debts 
be rendered more manageable, in no long period ^ 
the price of ftocks muft neceffarily rife ; the 
finance operations of government will thereby be 
performed with ftiil greater advantage to the ftate ; 
and induftrious individuals will, in the fame man- 
ner, be m^ore eafily accommodated with difcounts, 
and with loans. 

The eftablidiment of fuch a fund, and the crea-* 
tion of fuch a truft, are doubtlefs very important 
fervices to the people, coiledively, as they form a 
corporations or community. But, it may be ealily 

* The parehafes being confined to the transfer days, little 
more than _^^5,oqo can be brought to market on any one day, 
which of confequence can make no rapid rife of any one ftock; 
And, \vhen the finking fund amounts to £, 4,000,000, the pur- 
chafe-money on any day can only be fomething more than 
jf . 20,ooo.'--'The gradual application of this finking-fund is an 
excellent quality of it, becaufe fudden changes in the llock- 
inarket are not for the intereft of real buyers, or fellers. The 
commiflioners therefore can gain little profit^, from their fuperior 
J^nowledge of the flock into which they intend to purchafe. 



l86 A^ ESTIMATE OF 

Ihewn, that the people, individually will be ftili 
greater gainers, by the new finking fund, as it ha* 
been thus judicioufly formed. And, in this view 
of the fubjed:, its fleady operation will be of ftill 
.greater utility to the nation, than even the payment 
©f debts, becauie it is the profperity of indivi- 
duals, which forms the real wealth of the ilatc. 
The ingenious theorifts, who oblige the world 
with projed:s, for paying the national debt, confider 
merely the intereft of the corporation, or public, 
without attending to what is of more importance, 
the advantage of the private perfons, of whom the 
public conllft. Of Mr. Pitt's fmklng-fund, it is 
one of the grcateft commendations, that it pro- 
motes the true intereft of both parties, in juft pro- 
portions. 

A new order of buyers being thus introduced, 
and a new demand being thereby created, the price 
of ftocks mud neceflarily rife, notwithftanding the 
3.Tts of the ftockjobbers ; becaufe the public fecu- 
rities become in fa£b of more real value. In pro- 
portion as the money is fent from the fmking-fund 
to the ftock-exchange, the price of ftocks muft 
gradually rife ftill higher. And a rife of ftocks» 
vvhen gradual, and fteady, never fails to produce the 
moft falutary effeds on univerfal circulation, by faci- 
litating transfers of property, and by aiding the per- 
formance of contracts. Recent experience con^ 
firms this general reafoning, Every one muft re^ 
member how impolTible it was for individuals to 
borrov/ money on any fccurity, for any premium, 
\ ill towards th^ end gf 17S4. When the ftocke 

began 



THE STRENGTH OF C. BRITAIN- 187 

began to rife, the price of i^u^s equally rofe. 
When the government ceafed to borrow, and the 
unfunded debts were liquidated, manufacturers and 
traders eafily obtained difcounts, and readily ac«^ 
quired permanent capitals. 

But, the wifdom of man could not have de- 
vifed a meafure more favourable to circulation, 
than the fending of large fums, from day to day» 
into the Stock Exchange ; whereby the courfe of 
circulation is conflantly filled, and, being always 
augmented, becomes ftill more rapid. It is the 
rife of flocks, and the fulnefs of circulation, which 
make money overflow the coffers of the opulent, 
unlefs fome unforefeen drain fliould be unhappily 
opened. When cafh becomes thus plenty, the 
natural interefl of money gradually falls, anid biili 
of exchange, and other private fecurities, are rea- 
dily difcounted, ^t a lower rate. In this happy 
ftate of things, money is faid to be plenty ; and 
every individual is accommodated with loans, an4 
with difcpunts, according to his needs, by pledge 
ing his property, or his credit. 

Owing to all thofe facilities, every induflrious 
man eafily finds employments. The manufadu- 
rers are all engaged, The traders fend out ad^ 
ditional adventures, The fhip-owners are offered 
many freights, The produce of the hufbandman 
is confumed by a bufy people. And thus are rents 
more readily paid, and taxes more ealily colledted. 
Such are the benefits, which refult tp individuals, 
aiid t^^Q flate, from a rapid circulation, that 

can 



I.8S AN ESTIMATE OF 

can only be promoted, and preferved, by fending 
money conflantly into. the Stock Exchange. It is 
thus, by inciting an active induftry, that the pay- 
ment of public debts, through the channel of a 
quarterly iinking-fund, enables the people to pay 
the^reatefr taxes with eafe, and fatisfadion. And 
thus, may we folve a difficult problem in political 
^economy, whether the furplus of the pubHc re- 
venue ought to be applied in the difcharge of 
debts, or in the diminution of taxes : the one 
jneafure alTuredly invigorates the induftry of the 
people, in the manner, that we have juft obferved ; 
the other may promote their indolence, but cannot 
procure them an advantage, in any proportion to 
the benefits of unceaiing employments, and the 
accommodation of more extenlive capitals : by 
means of induftry the heavieft burthens feem light : 
by the influence of iloththe ilightefl duty appears 
intolerable. 

It was owing, probably, to the invigorating ef- 
feds of an augmented circulation, that our agri- 
culture and manufadures, our commerce and na-^ 
vigation, not only fiouriflied, but gradually in- 
creafed, to their prefent magnitude, amidft our 
frequent wars, our additional taxes, and accumu- 
lating debts. How much the fcanty circulation of 
pngland was filled , during the great civil wars of 
thelaft century, by the vafl impofts of thofe times, 
and how foon the interefl: of mghey was thereby 
reduced, we have already feen. Similar confe- 
queiices followed the wars of Williams and of 

Ann^i 



THE STREiTGTH OF G. BRITAIN; 189 

Anne, owing to fimilar caufes. The finking-fund, 
which, for feveral years after its creation, in 1716^ 
did not much exceed half a million, produced, 
afluredly, the moft falutary influences, even before 
the year 1727: The value of the ptiblic funds 
rofe confiderably, though the flipulated intereft on 
them had been reduced, firfl', from 6 to 5 per cent. 
and, in that year, from 5 to /i^per cent. The na- 
tural intereft of money gradually fell : The price 
of lands in the mean time advanced from 20 and 
21 years pure hafe to 26 and 27: And our agri- 
culture and manufactures, our trade and our (hip- 
ping, kept a fteady pace with the general profpe- 
rity of the nation *. Such are the falutary effeds 
of a circulation, which, being repleniflied by daily 
augmentations, is preferved conftantly full And 
thus it is, that the people are eafed in the payment 
of taxes, by being better enabled to pay them, 
while taxes are continually augmented, thougli 
there may be fome impofts, which ought to be 
repealed, as they prefs upon particular objecfls. 

On the other hand, an obftru6led circulation 
never fails to create every evil, which can afflift 
an induftrious people : Scarcity of money, and 
unfavourable difcounts; unpurchafed manufadtures^ 
and want of employments; unpaid rents, and un- 
performed contra6ts ; are the mtfchiefs, which dif- 
trefs every individual, and embarrafs the commu- 
nity, while circulation is impeded. The com- 

* For the above-mentioned fails, fee And. Chron. Com, 
Yol. ii. p. 316—22. 

mercc 



i^ib AN ESTIMATE 01^ 

inerce of England was well nigh ruined, during 
King William's reign, by the diforders in the 
coin, the want of confidence, and the high price 
ofmopey. The foreign bankruptcies, in 1763, re-^ 
duced the value of cargoes, which were exported in 
this year, from iixteen millions to fourteen, during 
feveral years, owing to the decline of general cre- 
dit. How much the domeftic bufinefs of Great 
Britain was embarraiTed by the bankrupties of 
1772 and 1773, which, in England, amounted, in 
the firfl year, to 525, and to 562, in the fecond, is 
ftili remembered *• The complaints, which were, 
at thofe periods, made of a decline of commerce, 
were merely owing to an obflruded circulation, as 
fubfequent experience hath amply evinced. 

Wars, then, in modern times, are chiefly de- 
ftrudtive, as they incommode the induflrious claf- 

* The following detail is alone fufficient to demonflrate how 
the manufadlufes of a country may be ruined by a languid cir- 
culation, without the interruptions of war. Of linen cloth, there 
were ftamped for fale in Scotland e 

during 1771 -— 13,466,274 yards. 

1772 — 13,089,006. 

1773 — 10,748,110. 

1774 — 11,422,115. 



Cr woollen cloth, 


. there 


were fulled* 


in the Weft Riding of 


Yorkfliire, in the year ended 














Broad. 




Narrow. 


the 25 th March 


279^, 


- 


203.623 pieces 


156,475 pieces 


Ditto - 


1795. 


- 


214,851 


— = 


190,468 


Ditto - 


1794» 


- 


190,332 


•*" 


150,666 



fes. 



THE STRENGTH Of* G. BRITAIN. Ifl 

fes, by ob(lru(Sing circulation. Yet, general in- 
duftry was not much retarded, however individual 
perfons, or particular communities, may have been 
deranged, or injured, by the colony-war. The 
people were able to confume abunda)ntly, iince 
they adtually paid vaft contributions, by their daily 
confumption of excifeable commodities*. And 
though they purfued their accuftomed occupations, 
and thus paid vaft impofts, the eftabliihed income 
of the ftate fuftained confiderable defalcations 
from various caufes j from the abufes, which war 
never fails to introduce into certain branches of 
the revenue ; from the illicit traffic, that generally 
prevails in the courfe of hoftilities ; and from the 
new impolitions, which fomewhat lellen the ufual 
produce of the old* 

• Of malt there were confumed, 

Bufh. Old Duties. 

in 1773—4—5 72,588,010 — ;f. 1,814,700. 

in 1780— I— .2 87,343,083 — 2,183,577^ 



Of low wines from corn. 

Gal. OidDuties» 

an 1773—4—5 9>974*237 — >C-4i5>593- 

in 1780—1—2 11,757499 — 489»895- 



Of Soap, 

lb. Old Duties. 

in 1773—4—5 93,190,140 — £,582,438» 

in 1780— I— 2 — 98,076,806 — . 613,9800 



Thofe 



t^2 AN ESTIMATE OS 

Thofe dlforders, in the public revenue, liaVe 
been at leaft palliated, if they have not been ak 
together cured, finc6 the re-eftabUfhrnent of peace* 
The meafures, which' were vigoroully adopted, foi' 
the effedlual prevention of fmtiggling ; the altera- 
tions, which have been made in the coUeftion of 
fome departments of the public intonle ; and the 
improvement, that has been happily efFecled in all ^ 
have brought, and continue to brings vail fums 
into the Exchequer*. The public expenditure 
continually diflributes this vaft revenue among 
the creditors, or fervants of the State, who return it 
to the original contributors, either for the ne^ 
ceffaries, or the luxuries, of life. The Exchequer, 
which thus conflantly receives and difpenfes this 
immenfe income, has been aptly compared to the 
human heart, that unceafmgiy carries on the vi- 
tal circulation, fo invigorating while it flows, fo 
fatal when it flops. Thus it is, that modern taxes, 
which are never hoarded, but always expended, 
may even promote the employments and induitry* 
the profperity and popuioufncfs, of an induilrious* 
people. 

♦ The whole public revenue paid into the Exchequtr, 
from Michaelmas 178^ 7 

to ditto 1784 S -^•■^'995.5=9 
Ditto, from Michaelmas 1 7H4 1 

to ditto ,785! 'S>379.'Sz 

JDitto, from 5 January 1785') 

'^ to ditta 1786] - — ?5^397>47ir 



TI-IE StFwENGTH OF G. BRlTAINi I93 



CHAP. XL 

"fhe Controverfy on the Popitloufnefs of Britain 
revived. — The Parties. — A Review of their Pub- 
lications, — An Examination of the Argument -- from 
Reafoning—from FaBs—from Experience.— The 
augmented Popidotifnefs of Ireland, — The hicreafe 
of People in Scotland. — The general P.efidt — as to 
England^ 

THE Gonteft^ which hdd been carried on, du- 
ring the war of t^jc^^, between Dodor 
Brackenridge, and Dodor Forfxer^ with regard 
to the effedis o^ oviX policy, both in war, and in 
peace, on population, was revived, amidft our Co- 
lony contefts, by Dodor Price, and his opponents. 
This laft controverfy furnilhes much more inftruc- 
tion, with regard to a very interefhing fubjed^ than 
the former ^ as the difputants took a wider range, 
and collected) in their courfe-s many new fade:. 
Dodor Price revived the difpute, by contributing 
an Appendix to Mr. Morgan's ElUry on Annuities^ 
wherein the Dodor attempted to prove, by inge- 
nious remarks on births and burials, a gradual de-» 
ciine in the populoufnefs of Great Britain. Vl^ 
was foon encountered by Mr. Arthur Young, who 
juilly inferred,' from the progrefs of improvements 

O in 



194 ^^ ESTIMATE OF 

in agriculture, in manufadlures, and ia commerce, 
an augmentation,, in the number of people. Mr. 
Eden publiilied, in 1779, elegant criticifms * on 
Dodor Price ; by v/hich he endeavoured to in- 
validate the argum.ent, that had been drawn from 
a coniparifon ot the number of houG^rs, at the lie- 
volution, and at preient ; infiftlRg that the firli 
muft have been lefs, and the lad much greater, 
than the text had allowed. In his repl}^, the 
Dodor riie7/ed forne mifLakes in his antagoniil, 
withouL adding' much to the force of his argument. 
Yet, if we ma)^ credit his coadjutor, who entered 
zealouily into all his prejudices, /le cojifidcred his 
fyficm as more firmly efcahPiJlied than ever ■\, 

This long-continued controverfy now found 
other fupporrers. Mr. Wales publiflied his Accu- 
rate Inquiry, in 1781. With confiderable fuccefs, 
lie overthrows Doctor Price's fundamental arg;u- 
ment, from the comparifon of houfes, at different 
periods ; by fliewdng, that the returns of houfes to 
the tax-olhce are not always precife ; by proving, 
from adual enum.erations of feveral towns^ at 
diilant periods, that they had certainly increafed ; 
by evincing, from the augmented number of 
births, that there muft be a greater number of 
breeders. This ab!e performance was immedi- 
ately followed by Mr. Howdet's flill more exten- 
five examination of Dodor Price's efiay. Mr. 



*■ In his Letters to Lord CarMile. 
f Uncertriinty ef population, p. 9. 



How let 



tllE STRENGTH OF C BRITAIN, I95 

Mowlet expands the arguments of Mr. Wales ; 
he adds feme illuftrations ; and, what is of fWl 
greater importance, in every inquiry, he eflabliflies 
many additional fads. 

The treatifes of Meff. Wales and Kowlet made 
a great imprefTion on the public, as fads, in oppofi- 
tion to fpeculations, muft ever make. At the mo- 
ment, when their publications had gained — a confi- 
derable fitare of popular belief, it was deemed pru- 
dent, on the fide of Dodor Price, to publiih — 
Ihicertainty of the prefent population. This writer 
frankly declares that, he is couvinced by neither party ^ 
and that he muft, confequently, remain in a fate of 
doubt and fceptical fufpence. His apparent purpofc 
is to iliew, in oppolltion to the popular belief, that 
after ail our refearches, zve really knozv nothing with 
any certainty, as to this important part of our poli- 
tical oeconomy. In the fceptical arithmetic of 
this dubious computer, 1^300,000^ whe'nmultiplied 
by 5^ produce 6,250,000. Dodor Price, and his 
coadjutors, feemed unwilling to admit, that if there 
were, in England and Wales, at Lady-day 1690, 
i^jbOjODO inhabited houfes, and five pefons in each, 
there mufh neceilarily have been,, at the lame time, 
6,50Pj000 fouls. For, they feared the charge of 
abfurdity, in fuppofmg a decreafe of ^ million and a 
half of people, during ninety years of augmented 
employments : And, they perceived, that by admit- 
ting there were, in 1690, fix million and a half of 
people, they would thereby be obliged to admits 
that there had been an augmentation of a miliioa 

O 2 and 



196 A N £ S r I Tvl A T E OF 

and a half, during the foregoing century^ notwith- 
ilanding the long civil wars, and the vafl emigra- 
tions. The Dodor pubhfhed, in 1783, Remarks 
on thefe trads of MelL Wales and Howlet *. 
And, with his ufual acutenefs, he deteds fome 
miftakes ; but^ with his accuftomed pertinacity, he 
adheres to his former opinions. 

The matter in difpute, we are told f, mufl be 
determined, not by vague declamation, or fpccu- 
ative argument, but by well-authenticated facts : 
For, " the grand argument of Dr. Price is at 
once extremely clear, and comprehended in a very 
narrow compafs.*' The following is the Hate of 
this grand argument : 

That there appeared by the Hearth-books, at Lady 
Day 1690, to be in England and Houfes. 

Wales -------- 1,300,000; 

That tiiere appeared by the Tax- 
office books, in 1777, only - - 952,734: 



Whence, the Dadtof inferred,- as a n-eceflary con- 
fequence, that there had been a proportional dimi- 
nution of people, fmce 1690. . 

Confi:dering,how important this fubjecl is to the 
Hate, and how nmch k is connecSred with the gene- 
ral purpofe of this Eilimate, 1 was led to examine, 
at once, with minuteneis,. and v/ith brevity, an argu- 

* In his Obfervacions on Reverfionary Payitienrs-, in 2 vols. 
8vo. 

f By U'merta^niy of Population. 

mentv 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I97 

ment, which has been oflentatioufly dlfplayed, as 
equal in its inferences to th.e certainty of adlual 
enumeration?. 

In lieu of the obnoxious hearth-tax, the Parlia- 
ment impofed, in 1696, a duty of two Shillings on 
every houfe ; fix (Inllings on every houfe, contain- 
ing ten windowSj and fewer than twenty ; and tQn 
{hillings on every houfe having more than twenty 
windows ; thofe occupiers only excepted, who were 
exempted from church and poor rates. And Gre^ 
gory King computed, with his ufual precifion, what 
the tax would produce, before it had yielded a 
penny*: Thus, fays he, the number of inhabited 
honfes is --^^,---- 1,300,000 j 
whereof, under 10 v/indows 980,000; 

under 20 windows 270,000; 

above 20 windows 50,000. 

' I - ' - 1,300^000 



Out of which deducting, 



for thofe receiving alms - - - _ 330;pqo Jaoufes At is. 7^*335000 

for thofe not paying to church and ppor 3So,oco at 2s. 4d. 44,000 

fpr omiffion?, frauds, and defaulters - 40,000 at 45. SjOQo 



Infolvei:it ----- 750,000 /[. 85,000 

Solvent --»--" 550.0005 paying net: - 119,000 



However, many infolvent houfes were thus de- 
duced from the 1,300,000 inhabited hotijesy Gregory 
King allowed, at laft, too m^wj folven.t ones. This 
truth may be inferred, from the following /^i5?c, 

* Pol. Obferv. Brk„ Maf. Harl. MSS. N° 1898, 

O 3 There 



198 ANESTr^rATEOF 

There remains in the tax-office* a particular acr 
count of the money, which each county paid in 
1 701, for the before- mentioned tax of 1696, from 
the afTeiniients of Lady-day 1700, and which 
amounted to ----'-- ;^. 115,226 
But, the oldefl lifh of houfes, which fpecifically 
paid the tax of 1696, is " a?i account made tip, for 
I joSyfj'om an del jurvey hooky' but from p'lor aiTeff- 
nients : And this account Hands thus: 
Houfes at 2s. — 248,784, produced ^. 24,878 

6s. ~- 165,856, — 49W37 

los. •— 93,876, --. 465398 



508^516, producing ^. 121,033 



He who does not fee a marvellous coincidence |<, 
between this official docum.ent and the previous 
calculation of Gregory King, muft be bh'nd indeed, 
'Yh^ Jolvent houfes of King, and the charged houfes 
of 1708, are of the fame kind, both being thofe 
houfes, which a.ttiially paid, or were fuppofed to 
have paid, the tax. And, Mr. Henry Reid, a 

* Iha\'£ ranfacked the tax-cfiice fcr information on this liti« 
gated but impt)rt2.nt fubjeJt ; and I was aiiifled in my refearches 
hy the inteliigent oiHcers of this department, with an alacrity, 
which fhewed, that, h?-''ing fully performed their d,MXy to the 
public, they did not fear minute infpeftion. 

f The Jjoufes having upwards of twenty windows, in the 
tax office account of 178 1, are 52,373. The number of the 
fame kind allowed by King is 50^000 : Btjt he is not fo fortu- 
nate in his other calculations. 

-K- comptroller 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 1 99 

comptroller of the tax-office, who was noted for 
his minute diligence, and attentive accuracy, re- 
ported to the Treafury, in Odlober 1754, that the 
old duties, on an average, produced yearly, from 

1696 to 1709, /J. 1 18,839-. 

But, there mufh have neceflarily been a great 
many more houfes, in 1708, than the 508,516, 
charged^ and paying £. 121,033. In the tzvehe 
years, from 1696, there could have been no great 
ivafle of houfes, hov/ever powerful the dellruclive 
caufe might have been. And Gregory King, in 
order to make up his thirteen hundred thoufand 
iioufcs, calculated the dwellings oithe -poor, in 1696^ 
at- ---------- 7 1 0,000 ; 

and of defaulters, &c. at - - - - 40,000; 



750,ooOc 
Davenant f ftated, in 1695; ^^^^^ ^^^^ hearth-books, 
the cottages, inhabited by the poorer fort, at 500,000 ; 
and he afterwards afierts, as Doctor Price obferved, 
that there were, in 1689, houfes, called cottages, 
having one hearth, to the number of 554,631 : 
whence we may equally fuppofe, that there were 
dwellings, having tv.^o hearths, a very coniklerable 
number, whofe inhabitants, either receiving alms, or 
paymg nothing, did not contribute to the tax of 
1696 : fo that, in 1708, there niiufb have certainly 
exifted 710,000 dwellings of the poor; as this 
number had certainly exifted in 1696. 

* Gregory King calculated the tax b jforehand at £. 1 19,0000 
f VoL I edit. Ill, p, 5. 

O4 ^ Mr. 



2CO A N E St I M A T E OF 

Mr. Henry Reid moreover reported to the 
Treafuryy in 1754, that in the year 171Q, when 
an additional duty took place, it became an uni- 
verfal pracflice to flop up lights ; fo that, in 17 10, 
the old duties yielded only ;f. 1 15,675 :— And 
for fome years, both the old, and the new, duty 
lufFered much from this caufe, as there was no 
penalty for the flopping of windows. Other duties, 
continues he, were impofed in 1747*; fo that 
from Lady day 1747, to Lady-day 1748, the 
whole duties yielded ^.208,093: and, an expla- 
natory a6l having paiTed in 1748, the duties 
yielded, for the year ending at Lady-day 1749, 
^.220,890: But, other modes of evading the 
law being foon found, the duties decreafed year 
after year.- — And thus much from the intelligent 
Mr. Henry Reid, who never dreamed of houfes 
falling into non-exi(lence. 

The firil account of houfes, which now appears 
to have been made up, fubfequent to that of 1708, 
is the account of 1750, and rhc iafl is that of 1781. 
With the foregoing data before us, we may novrr 

* By the 20 Geo. If. ch. 3 ; which recites, that whereas it 
hath often been found from experience^ that the 4uiies grants. 
ed by former atls of parliament have been greatly lefTened by 
means of perfons frequently Itopping up windows in their 
dwelling houfes, in order to evade payment ; and it hath 
often happened, that feveral aflefiments have not been made 
in due time; and that perfons rcniove to other parifhes with- 
ciu paying the duty for the houfes fo quitted, to the prejudice 
of the Revenue. But the leglflature do z/c/ recite, that houfes 
daily fell dov.-nj or that the numbers of the people yearly 
declined, 

form 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 201 

forrji a judgment fufficiently precife, in refpect to 
the progrefs of our houfes, cJiarged and charge able 
with the houfe and window tax : 

The charged, in 1696, according to King, 550,^00 
The chargeable, according to him^ - 40^000 



590,000 
The charged, and chargeable, in 175c, 729,048* 



Increafe in 54 years - - 139,048 



The charged, in 1708 . - - 508,516 

The chargeable, let us fuppofe - 100,000 



608,516 
The charged, and chargeable, in 178 1, 721,351 



Increafe in 73 years - - 112,835. 



Here, then, is a folution of the difficult problem, 
in political oeconomy, which has engaged fo many 
able pens. Whether there exifl: as many houfes, at 
prefent, as there certainly were, in England and 
Wales, at the Revolution ; at leafl:, the queflion 
is decided, as to the number of houfes, charged and 
/chargeable with the window and houfe tax: And> 
of confequence, the middling and higher ranks of 

f This high number. In 1750, was probably owing to the 
aft of parliament, zo Geo, TI. which had juft pafied, when nevy 
ijnodes of circunivenuon had not yet taken place, 

men 



2.02 AN ESTIMATE OF 

men mufl:, with the number of their dwellings, 
have neceilarii}/ increafed. 

A great difficulty, it muft be admitted, dill re- 
mains, which cannot be altogether removed^ 
though many ob ft ructions may be cleared away. 
The difficulty confifts, in afcertaining, with equal 
precifionj the number of dwellings v/hich have 
been exemipted, by laws from every tax, fmce 
.16903 on account of the poverty of the dwellers. 
The litigated point muft at lail be determined bv 
an anfwer to the queftion, Whether the lower or- 
ders are more numerous in the prefent day, than 
they v/ere in 1690 ? 

A modern locicty has been compared, with 
equal elegance and truth, to a pyramid, having the 
higher ranks for its point, and the lower orders 
for its bafe. Gregory King left us an account of 
the people, minutely divided into their feveral 
claffes, which, though formed for a different pur- 
pofe, contains fufficient accuracy for the prefent 
argument *. 

* Davenant's works, 6 vol. Scheme D, whick was copied 
from Gregory Kind's Obfervatipns, p, 15. with Tome inaccu- 
racies. 



E A N K S, 



THE STRENGTH OF G. 


BRITAIN, 203 


RANKS, 


Number of 
Families. 


I Heads in 
each. 


Number o£ 
Perfons. 


.Spiritual lords - -^ 


2.6 


20 - 


520 


Terxiporal lords 


i6o 


40 r 


6,400 


Knights - - - 


6qo 


13 - 


7,800 


Baronets - - « 


800 


16 . 


12,800 


Eminent clergymen 


2,000 


- 6 - 


12,000 


Eminent merchants 


2,000 


. 8 - 


16,000 


Efquires - - - 


3,000 


10 


30,000 


Gentlemen - - - 


12,000 


-'8 - 


96,000 


Military officers 


4,000 


- 4 -^ 


16,000 


Naval officers - - 


5,000 


- 4 - 


20,C0O 


Per Ions inlefler of-) 




^ 6 - 




fices - - ^( 


5,000 


' 30,000 


Perfons in higher^ 








offices " - -^ 


5,000 


- 8 - 


40,000 


LefTer clergymen - 


8,000 


- s - 


40,000 


Leffer merchants - 


8,o©o 


- 6 ~ 


48,000 


Perfons in the law - 


10,000 • 


"7 "* 


70,000 


Perfons ofthelibe-^ 
ral arts - - -) 








15,000 • 


- 5 - 


75,000 


Freeholders of the) 






280,000 


better fort - -) 


40,000 ■ 


- 7 - 


Shopkeepers and ) 
tradefmen - -j 


50,000 ■ 


- A\ - 


225,000 


Artizans- -r - ~ 


6o,coo 


- 4 - 


240,000 


Freeholders of the ) 








leffer fort - -| 


. I 20,0®0 


- 5r - 


660,000 


Farmers - - ^ - 


150,000 • 


- 5 - 


750,000 


Gipfies, thieves^ ) 
beggars, &c. - j" 






30,000 


Common foldiers - 


35,000 


- 2 - 


^ 70,000 


GommiOn failors 


. 50,000 


- 3 - 


I 50,000 


Labourers and out-) 


364,000 


T 




fervants . - j 


_ * — 


1,274,000 


Cottagers and pau-l 
pers ^ '§ 








400,000 




1,300,000 




5,499,520 



If 



204 AN E S X 1 M AT £ OF 

If this dtvifion of the people iliould be deemed 
only probable, It would prove, with fufficlent con- 
vidion, how many dwellings the two iaft claffes 
required to (lielter them, fince they contained no 
fewer than tzvo million Jive hundred and feventy-f our 
iJmifand perfotis , Gregory King allotted for them, 
as we have feen, 550,000 houfes. And it is apparent, 
that if the two lower orders of men have aug- 
mented^ with the progrefs, which has been traced 
in our agriculture and manufafiures, in our traffic 
and navigation, fuch perfons mufh neceifa^rily dwell 
in a greater number ot houies. 

Davenant has iliewn^ that the poor rates of 
England and Wales amounted, towards the end of 
Charles II. 's reign, to - - - - £, 665, 302* 

By an account given in to parlia- 
ment, m 17765 the poor rates 
amounted to - - - 1,5^6,804. 



Hov^^ever this vail fum, which is probably under 
the truth, may have been mifapplied, or w^afted, 
j(^t every one, who received hi^. proportion of it^ 
as alras^, was exempted from the tax on chargeable 
houfes, and mufl have conlequently fwelled the 
number of cottagers. 

Whatever the terra cottage may have fignified 
formerly, it was defcribed, by the ftatute of the 
io Geo. II. as a houfe, having nine windows, or 
under, whofe inhabitant either receives alms, or 
qpes net pay to church and poor. But, we are 

not 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAI?^. 20 Z 

TiOt inquiring about t/^e word, but tJie thing ; whe- 
ther the dzvellings of the lower orders, of whatever 
denomination, have increafed, or dimmiflied, f:nce 
the Revolution ; and the end of this inquiry is to 
iind, whether the lower orders of men have de- 
creafed, or augmented. 

The argument, for a decreafed number of cot- 
tages, is this : Gregory King, from a view of the 
hearth-books of 1690, (which yet did not con- 
tain the cottages, fmce they were not chargeable 
with the hearth-tax,) calculated the dwellings of 
thofe, who either received alms, or did not give 
any, at -__-.. 550.000. 

The furveyors of houfes returned the 

number of cottages, in 1759*5 at - 252,429; 
and in 1781 - - 284,450. 



Forflier, the antagonifh of Brackenridge, was the 
firfl:, probably, who objeded to the accuracy of 
the furveyors returns, with regard to cdl houfes. 
Having obtained the collectors rolls, he had counted^ 
in 1 757, the number of houfes in nine contiguous 
parilhes ; whereby he found that, out of 58S 
houfes, only 177 paid the tax^ that Lambourn 

• This Is the firfl year, fays Do£lor Price, that an order 
was given to return the cottages excufed for poverty. I have 
in my pofTeffion fome returns which were made of cottages in 
X757, and which, having efcaped the deftruclion of timej^ 
evince previous orders and prevlousperfoimar.ee, There was, 
in facl, an account of the cottages made up at the tax-ofiicc 
in J756- 

parifl^. 



2C6 A*J ESTIMATE Of 

parifh, wherein there is a market- town^ con"tairi$ 
445 houfes, of which 229 only paid the tax. 
When it was objected to Foriler, that this lurvey 
was too narrow for a general average, he added 
afterwards nine other parifhes, m diftant counties j 
whereby it appeared, that of 1^045 houfes, only 
347 were charged with the duty 5 whence he in- 
ferred, that the cottages were to the taxable hoiifes 
as more than two to one^. Mr. Wales equally 
objedled to the truth of the furveyors returns, in 
their full extent. And Mr. Howlet endeavoured, 
with no fmali fuccefs, to calculate the average of 
their errors, in order to evince what ought proba-- 
bly to have been the true amount of the genuine 
numbers. In this calculation. Doctor Price hath 
doubtlefs fhewn petty faults ; 3/et is there fufficient 
reafon to conclidde, with Dr. Forfter and Mr* 
Howlet, that the houfes returned to the tax-office 
are to the whole, as 17 are to 29, nearly. It will 
at laft be found, that the returns of taxable houfes 
are very near the truth; but that the reports of 
exempted houfes cannot pofTibly be true : for 
aSojOoo or even 300^000 cottages, v/ouid not 
contain the two lower orders who exifted m 
Enpland and Wales at the Revolution ; and 

* Former's letter, in December 1760, which the Royal 
Society declined to publifli. [JNISS. Birch, Brit. Muf. No, 
4440.] The algebraical fophifms of Brackenridg.e were printed 
in the foreign gazettes : the true philofophy of Forfler, by 
experhnent and /^cf?, was b-aried in the rubbifl* of the Royal 
Society. 

who. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 207 

who, with the greateft aid of machinery, could 
not perform the annual labour of the fame coun- 
tries at pFefent. 

Our agriculture has at all times em.ployed the 
greateil number of hands, becaufe it forms the 
fupport of our manufactures., our traffic, and our 
navigation. It admits of little dilpute, whether 
our hufbandry has been purfued, before, or fince 
the bounty on the export of corn, in 1689, with 
the sreateft Ikill, dili2;ence, and fuccefs. Mr, 
Arthur Young found, in 1770, by inquiries in the 
counties, and by calculations from minutes of 
fufficient accuracy, that the perfons engaged in 
farmino" alone amounted to 2,800,000 ; beudes a 
vad number of people, who are as much main- 
tained by agriculture as the ploughman that tills 
the foil*. Yet, the two lov/er ranks of Gregory 
Kino-, including the labouring people and out- 
fervants, the cottagers, paupers, and vagrants, 
amounted only to 2,6oc,ooc. 

Of the general ftate of our manufactures, at the 
Revolution, and at prefent,' no comparifon can 
fiarely be made, as to tl^e extenfivenefs of their 
annual value, or to the numerofity of ufefui peo- 
|j]e, who were employed by them. The woollen 
nianufadure of Yorkn:iire alone is, in the prefent 
day, of equal extent with the woollen manufactures 
of England, at the Revolution. By an account, 
which had been formed at the aulnager's office, it 

">" North. Tour, vol. iv. p, 364 — 5. 

appears. 



205 A!^ ESTIMATE O? 

appears, that the woollen goods exported in i6S^^ 
were valued at two millions, exclufive of the home 
confumption, that amounted to a much lefs value** 
The manufaclurers furnifhed the committee of privy 
council, who fat on the Irifh arrangements, with 
*^ a particular eilimate of th^ Yorkfliire woollen 
nianufa(^uresi" whereby it appeared, that there 
were exported )^early of the value of ;^. 2,37 1,942, 
and confumed at home £. 901,759 -f-. We know, 
with fufficient certainty, from the cuftom-houfe 
books, that, after clothing the inhabitants, there 
were exported of the value of woollens, according 
to an average of the years 1699^ — 1700' — i, the 
value of - - - - -^,2,541,615; 
the average of 1769— 70 — 71 - 4,323,463; 

the average of 1790— 91—92 - 5^^5^^733^ 

And this manufacture, which has been always re- 
garded as the greateft, continues to ilourifli, as we 
have juft feen, and to employ, as it is faid, a mil* 
lion and a half of people. 

Since the epoch of the Revolution, we may be 
faid to have gained the manufadures of filks, of 
linen, of cotton, of paper, of iron, and the pot- 
teries, with glafs ;. befides ether ingenious fabrics, 
which all employ a very numerous and ufeful 
race. We may indeed determine, with regard 
to the augmentation of our manufadures, and 

* MSS. Har). Brit. MuC N° 1898. for a minute acGOunu 
t The Council Report, 

to 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 2O9 

10 the increafe of our artizans, from the following 

detail : 

There were exported, according to an average of 

the years 1699 — ^joo — 1701, produ6i:s, exdn- 

five of the woollens before mentioned., of the value 

of - £. 3.S63,8io 

Ditto in 1769 — 70—- 71 - - - 10,565,196 

Ditto in 1790 — 91—92 - r - *io,744,092 

Thus, have we demonftration, that while our wool- 
/en manufactories nearly doubled, in their extent, 
during feventy years, our other manufaftures had 
almoft trebled, in theirs : And, therefore, it is 
equally demonftrabie, that the great body of artifts, 

* Such is the exhilarating view, which the exported cargoes 
exhibit of oar profperity ! The imports of the materials of ma^ 
nufadlure will furnifti a profpe(St equally pleafing. 

■Of Spanish VI^ool. 

There were imported into England, according to lbs. 

a three-years average, ending with 1 705 - - 1,020,903 

D° ------ 1720 - - 606,313 

D° ------ 1787 - - 2,622,101 

D" 1792 - - 3,161,914 



Of Cotton Wool. 

There were imported into England, according to lbs. 

a five-years average, ending with 1705 - - i>i7o,88t 

D* ------ 1720 - - 2.173,287 

D° - - ^ - - . ,787 . . 16466,312 

D** - 1792 - - 29,620,281 



who 



2 10 A N E S T I iM AT E O F 

who were contl:ant]y employedj in all tliok manu- 

fadories, muil have increafed^ nearly, in the fame 

proportion, during the fame bufy period. 

The whole failors, who were found in England, 
by enumeration, in January 1700 — -i, amounted 
to -------- ~ - - * 1 6,59 1 

By a calculation, which agreed nearly 
with the accuracy of this enumeration, 
there appeared to have been annually 

. employed m the merchants ferviceyht- 

tween the years 1764 and 1774, - 59^5^5 

In 1792, _-..---._- 87,569 



The tonnage of Englifh (hipping, 

during King William's reign, 

amounted only to - - - - 230,441 tons, 
D° during the prefent reign, - 1,186,610 



We may thence, certainly determine, with regard 
to the number of ufeful artificers, who muft have 
been employed, during the latter period, more than 
in the former, in building and repairing our (hips. 
It is hufbandry, then, and manufadlures, com- 
merce, and navigation, which every where, in later 
ages, employ, and maintain, the great body of the 
people. Now, the labour demanded, during the 
prefent reign, to carry forward the national bufi- 

* There is realon to believe, however, that the above enume- 
ration did not contain the failors of the port of London. 

nefs, 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 211 

nefs, agricultural and commercial, could not, by 
any poflibility, have been performed, by the infe- 
rior numbers of the induftrious claffes, who doubt- 
lefs exifted, in the reign of King William. And 
from the foregoing reafonings, and fads, we may 
certainly conclude, with one of the ableft writers 
of any age, on political oeconomy : "The liberal 
reward of labour, as it is the effcd of increallne 
wealth, fo it is the caufe of increafmg population : 
To complain of it [high wages] is to lament over 
the neceffary effed and caufe of the greatefi pub- 
lic profperity" *. It is abfurd, then, to argue, that 
as employments increafe, population diminidies ; 
that as hands are wanted, fewer hands fhould be 
found ; and that as greater comforts are conferred 
on mankind, the natural propenfity of man to mul- 
tiply, and to people the earth, fhould become lefs 
powerful, in its genial energies. 

In calculating the numbers of people, we mufh 
attentively confider the ftate of fociety, in which 
they exift ; whether as fifhers and hunters, as fliep- 
herds and hufbandmen, as manufadurers and 
traders ; or as in a mixed condition, compofed 
partly of each denomination. The American tribes, 
who reprefent the firfl:, are found to be inconfidera- 
ble in numbers ; becaufe they do not eafily procure 

* See the Inquiry into the Caufes of the Wealth of Nations, 
ch. 8 ; wherein Dr. Adam Smith treats Of the V/ages of Lahoip-^ 
and incidentally of population, with a perfpicuity, an elegance, 
and a force, which have been feldom equalled. 

p 2 fubfiftence 



21 '^ A N £ S i I M ATE OF 

fubriftence from their vaftlakes, and unbounded fo- 
refts, by fiililng, and hunting. The Aiiatic Tar- 
tars, whorepreient the fecond ftage of fociety, are 
much more populous ; fince- they derive conti- 
nual plenty from their multitudinous flocks. But, 
even theie are, by no means, equal in population 
to the Chineie, who acquire their comforts from 
an unremitting induftry, which they employ in 
agriculture, in manufacture, in the arts, in filheries, 
though not in navigation. It was foreign com- 
merce, which peopled the marflies of the Adriatic, 
and the Baltic, during the middle ages ; hence 
arofe Venice, and the Hanfe towns, with their en- 
vied opulence, and naval pov/er. It was the con- 
jundion of agriculture, manufaclures, and traffic, 
wdiich filled t/ie Lozv Coimtries with populous towns, 
with unexampled wealth, and with marvellous 
energy. The fame caufes, that produced all thofe 
effects, which hiilciy records, as to induftry, riches, 
and ftrength, continue to produce fmiilar effecls, 
at prefent. 

When England was a country of fliepherds, and 
warriors, we have beheld her inconfiderable in 
numibers. When manufacturers found their way 
into the country, w^ien hufbandmen gradually ac- 
quired greater Ikill, and w^hen the fpirit of com- 
merce at length aduated all ; people, we have feen, 
grow out of the earth, amidfl: convulfions, famine, 
and warfare. He who compares the population 
fe)f England and Wales, at the ronqueft, at the de- 
mife of Edward III. at the year 3588, with our 
% popula- 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 213 

population in 1688, mufl trace a vafh progrefs, in 
the intervenient centuries. But, England can 
fcarcely be regarded as a manufacturing, and com- 
mercial, country, at the Revolution, when contrafted 
with her prefent profperity, in manufadure, and 
trade. The theorift, then, who infifts, that our 
numbers have thinned, as our employments have 
increafed, and our population declined, as our agri- 
culture and manufaftures, our commerce and navi- 
gation, advanced, argues againft fads, oppofes ex- 
perience, and fhuts his eyes againft daily obfer- 
vation. 

Yet, Dodor Price, and his followers, contend, 
that our induftrious clalfcs have dwindled the 
moil, fince 1749, becaufe it is from this epoch, 
that the profperity of the people has been the 
greateft, however they may have, at any time, been 
governed. And the following argument is faid 
to amount to demonilration, becaufe // contains 
as ftrong a proof of progreffive depopulation as al^ual 
furveys can give^ : The number of houfes re- 
turned to the tax-office, as charged and chargeable. 



was, - - - - - - -in 17 50 — ■ 


729,048 


in 1756 — 


715,702 


m 1759 


704.053 


in 1761 — 


704.543 


in 1777 ~ 


701,473 


For a moment, Dodor Price 




would not liften to the fug- 




geflion, that the houfes may 




* Di. Price's Effay on Popul. p. 38. 




? 3 


have 



214 AN ESTIMATE OF 

have exijied, though they 
were not included, in the re- 
turns of the intermediate 
years. But, lo ! additional 
returns have been made up 
at the tax-office, amount- 
ing, --.-.,- in 1781 to 721,351. 

in 1794 to 1,008,222. 



This detail is fufHcient to fhow, that the Dodtor 
has failed in the proof, which was to outargue fadts, 
to overthow experience, and to convert the impro- 
bable into certainty. 

As a fupplementai proof*, which may give 

• The chargeable houfes, 

in 1 78 1, under 10 windows, were — 497,801 

under 2 1 windows, — — 171,177 

aboue 20 windows, — — r 52,373 



72i»3Si 

Cottages — — — 284,459 



Total houfes, and cottages, in 1781, - 1,005,810 
The houl'es in 1750 — 729,048 
The cottages in 1756 — 274,755 



1,003,803 

Increafe fince 1750 — — 2,007 



The account of cottages, in 1756, was completed, as appears 
from the tax-office books, on the 20th of November 1756. 
And thus, by adopting the mode, and the materials, of 
Do6lor Price's argument, it is (hewn, that he has been 
extremely mifiaken, as to the depopulation of England, fmce 
1750, 

la 1 15*5 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. Q.1 ^ 

fatisfa6tion to well-meaning minds, there is annexed 
a comparative view of the number of houfs, in each 
county, as they appeared to King, and to Davenant, in 
the hearth-books of I Cy^o ; of the charged houfes in 1708; 
of the chargeable houfes in 1 750 ; with the houfes of the 
fame defcription, in 1781. To this interefting docu- 
ment, is now added the number of houfes,which were 
found in England, and Wales, by the enumeration 
of 1 801 : — This enumeration will be found to throw 
great light upon the comparative viezv of thofe va- 
rious ftatements, which exhibit the numbers of 
houfes, at thofe feveral epochs, in a mutilated (late. 
This document has, at length, decided the quef- 
tion, which has been fo often aiked, whether the 
numbers of our houfes have increafed, or diminifli- 
ed, fmce the Revolution, in 1688. I had previ- 
oufly eflimated the number of houfes in England, 
and Wales, at 1,586,000, during 1781 : the enu- 
meration of 1 80 1 has found them to amount to 
1,632,401, inhabited, and uninhabited houfes. 



p 4 ,A Com- 



2t6 



AN EST IM ATE OF 



A Comparative View of the Number of flousEs, in each County of England 
and Wales, as they appeared in the Hearth-books of Lady-day 169O ; as they 
were made up at the Tax-offfice, in 1708— i75o^-i78[ j and, as they appear 
from the enumeration of 180 1. 



CotJNTlEg. 



SedfordiKlre - - 

}?erks - - * - 

Bucks - - - - 

CamSiidge - - 

Cheftcr - - - 

Cornwall - - *. 

Cumberland - - 

Derby - - - . 

l)evon - - * - 

Dorfet - - - - 

Durham - - _ 

Tnr!c - - - - 

EfTex - - - _ 

Gioucefier ■» - 

Hereford - - - 

Hereford - _ _ 

Huntingdon - - 

Kent - - - - 

Lancafiiire - - 

Lelcefter - - - 

Lincoln - - ^ 

London, &c, - - 

Korfolk - ■- - 

Northampton - - 

Northumberland < 

Nottincham - - 

Oxford" - ^ - 

Rutlaad * - - 

S.iiop - _ _ _ 

Somerfet - - .- 
Sourhan-.pton, Sec. 

Stafford _ _ - 

SurTolk - - - 

Surrey, &cc. - - 

SulTex- - - - - 

Warwick - - - 
Weftrnoitland 

Wilts - - - - 

■VVorcefter -^ - 

Anglelea - _ - 

Brecon - ^ .. 

Cardij^an - ^ - 

Carmarthen - - 

Carnarv n - - 

Denbijjh - _ - 

flint - . - - 

Glamorgan - - 

-Merioneth - - 

Monmouth ^ - 

Montgomery - - 

Pembroke - - 

Radnor - t. _ 



N«of 




N°of 1 


NO 


of Houfes 




N^ of Houfes, 


N° of Houfes, 


Houfes, 


Hnufes j 


charged and 




charged 


and 


enumerated, | 




cl- 


arged, j 


cl- 


argeable, 




chargea 


.le, 


1801 


. 


1690. 


1 


708. 




i750. 




178] 






- J 














h 


ihabited. Uninhabited] 


J2,170 


- 


5.479 


- 


6,802 


- 


5,360 


-4 


11,888 - 


185 


16,996 


■^ 


7,558 


- 


9,762 


- 


8,277 


- 


io,573 " 


622 


i?,688 


^ 


8,604 


- 


10,687 


- 


8,670 


-r 


20,443 - 


543 


18,629 


- 


7,220 


- 


9>334 


— 


9,088 


— 


16,1^9 - 


312 


25,592 


- 


11,656 




i6,oo6 


- 


17,201 


- 


34.482 - 


1,139 


26,613 


- 


9,052 


- 


14,520 


- 


15.274 


- 


32,906 - 


1,47 a 


I5>i79 


— 


2,509 


'^ 


11,914 


— 


13.419 


— 


ai,573 - 


87^ 


24,944 


~ 


8,260 


"- 


13,912 


- 


14,046 


- 


31,822 - 


1.369 


56.202 


« 


16,686 


- 


30,049 


- 


28,612 


— 


57,955 - 


3.235 


17.S59 


- 


4,^33 


- 


11,711 


~ 


11,132 


- 


21,437 - 


825 


53u45 


- 


6,298 


- 


10,475 


- 


t2.4l8 


- 


27,195 - 


1,171 


121,052 


- 


44^779 


- 


70,816 


- 


76,224 


- 1 


68,439 - 


6,418 


4o>54.5 


- 


16,250 


- 


i9.o^"7 


- 


18,389 


- 


38.371 - 


1,027 


34,476 


-. 


i3>285 


- 


16,251 


*■ 


14,950 


- 


46,457 - 


Ij7i5 


J 6, 744 


- 


6,913 


- 


8,771 


- 


8,092 


•^ 


17,003 - 


941 


I7,4S8 


« 


7,447 


- 


9.251 


- 


8 628 


- 


17,681 - 


491 


8>7i3 


- 


3'99i 


- 


4,363 


- 


3^847 


- 


6,936 - 


156 


46.674 


- 


2i,S7r 


-- 


30,029 


- 


30.975 


- 


51-556 - 


i,4«3 


46,961 


- 


22,588 


- 


33.273 


- 


30,956 


~ 1 


14.270 * 


3'394 


20,448 


- 


8,584 


- 


12,957 


- 


12,545 


- 


25,992 - 


742 


45,019 


— 


17,571 


- 


24.959 


- 


24.591 


- 


41.395 - 


1,094 


II 1,215 


~ 


47i03i 


— 


71.977 


- 


74.704 


- 112,912 - 


5,171 


565579 


- 


12,007 


'- 


20,697 


- 


20,056 


- 


47,617 - 


1,523 


26,904 


- 


9,^18 


- 


12,464 


- 


10,350 


- 


26,665 - 


736 


ncluded in ? 
Durham 5 


- 


6,787 


I 


10,453 


"* 


12,431 


_ 


26,518 1 


1,534 


17,818 


- 


7.755 


- 


II,COI 


- 


10,872 


- 


25,611 - 


542 


19,627 


- 


8,502 


- 


10,362 




8,698 


— 


20,599 - 


594 


3,661 


- 


1,498 


- 


1,873 




i>445 


- 


3,274 - 


87 


27>47i 


- 


1^,452 


- 


13^332 




12,895 


- 


51,182 - 


929 


4<,9co 


- 


10,043 


'■- 


27,822 




• 26,407 


- 


48,040 - 


2,136 


2S,557 


- 


i4>33i 


- 


18,045 




15,828 


- 


38,284 - 


906 


26,278 


- 


10,812 


- 


i5.9'7 




. 16,483 


- 


45,521 - 


2,003 


47,537 


- 


15,301 


- 


18,834 




• 19.589 


- 


32,253 - 


55^ 


40,610 


- 


14^07 1 


- 


20,037 




- 19,381 


— 


46,072 - 


1,514 


23.451 


- 


9.429 


- 


11,170 




- 10,574 


— 


25,060 - 


718 


22,400 


- 


9,461 


- 


12,750 




- 13-276 


- 


41,069 - 


2,946 


6,691 


- 


1,904 


- 


4.937 




• 6,144 


- 


7,897 - 


3'5 


27,418 


- 


11,373 


•^ 


14.303 




- 12,856 


- 


28,059 - 


1,170 


24,440 


- 


9,178 


— 


9,967 




- 8,791 


- 


26,711 - 


1,109 




- 


1,040 


- 


1.334 




2.264 


- 


6,679 - 


127 


_ 


— 


3.370 


- 


3.234 




- 3.407 


— 


6,3.5 - 


479 


I - B- - 


- 


2,C42 


- 


2,542 




- 2,444 


- 


8,8 r9 - 


221 


1 ~ ^ - 


— 


3.985 


« 


5,020 




- 5.126 


- 


1 3 •449 - 


371 


\ - %- 


■^ 


1.583 


^ 


2,366 




- 2,675 


- 


8,348 - 


129 




- 


4,753 


- 


6,0^1 




■ 5.678 


- 


12,621 - 


427 


- 


2,653 


- 


3.520 




- 2,990 


- 


7.585 - 


194 


~ .> " 


— 


5,020 


- 


6,290 




- 5,146 


— 


14.225 - 


537 


- < - 


- 


1,900 


- 


2,664 




- 2,972 


- 


5.787 - 


193 


lies 

1 


- 


3,289 


- 


4,980 




- 4,454 


- 


8,948 - 


417 


- * - 


— 


4j047 


- 


4,890 




- 5,421 


— 


8,725 - 


223 


r»-vo 


- 


2,764 


- 


"2,803 




- 3.224 


- 


11,869 - 


398 


/ 7>92r 


- 


2,092 


- 


2,425 




2,076 


- 


3,675 


212 



1,319,215 



508,516 729,048 721,351 



1,574,902 



THE STRENGTH OF C. BRITAIN, 217 

From this inftrudive document, then, it appears^, 
that the number of houfes have increafed, from 
1690 A. D. to 1 801, no fewer than 313,516 dwel- 
lings. And, thus, has demonftration decided, for 
ever, this pertinacious controverfy, about the in- 
creafe, or the diminution, of the people, fmce the 
great epoch of the Revolution *. It has decided, 
alfo, another litigated point, whether the returns of 
the houfes to the tax office "furnifli as flirong a proof, 
" as aduai furveys can give.'* This dogma is now 
involved in the external difgrace of that aiiuming 
argument, which was to outargue facls, and to 
overthrow experience. From the comparative view 
before ftated, it clearly appears, that twenty coun- 
ties, including London, Wefliminfter, and Middie- 
fex, have actually increafed, fmce 175c. Let us 
take the example of Surrey, and Lancailiire, which 
are fcated, as having decreafed in houfes, and con- 
fequently, in people, fmce i-j ^o^. It is apparent, 
that Surrey has been overflowed by London, dur- 
ing the laft fifty years J. And of Lancafliire, conii- 
derlng the vafl; augmentations of its domeftic ma- 
nufaftures, and foreign trade, it is not too much to 

* See much more fati^faflory proofs of the vail increafe of the 
population of Great Britain, fmce the Revolution, in ** Obferva- 
« tions on the Refalts of the Population Adl, 41 Geo. III." 

t The .country commiffioners often difcharge,on appeal, houfes, 
as not properly chargeable. This may occafion an apparent 
decreafe. 

X In the ^villages roun/^ Lon^on^there. were baptized, during a pe- 
riod of twenty years, beginning with the Revolution - - 20,782 
Puring 20 years, beginning with 1758— 60, or 61 - 39>383 

affert. 



21 S AN ESTIMATE OF 

aflert, that it muft have added to its houfes, and 
people, one-fourth, lince 1 750 *. 

But, it is faid to be idle, and impertinent, to 
argue from the ftate of population in Yorkfliire, or 
in Lancafhire, fince Dr. Price is ready to admit, 

that 

* In fixteen parlfhes in Lancafhire, exclufive of Manchefter 
and Liverpool, there were baptized, in twenty years, 
about the Revolution - - - - 18,389 

Ditto, from 1758 47>9i9 



Thefe proofs of a rapid increafe of natural population arc 
from Mr. Howlet*s excellent Examination, it is an acknow- 
ledged fa6l, that Liverpool has doubled its inhabitants every 
five-and-twenty years, fmce the year 1700. 
Of houfes, Liverpool contained in — 1753 — 3>7CQ 

in — 1773 — 9'928 
in — 1783 — 6,819 
in — 1788 — 7,690 

Yeta were its houfes returned to the tax-office, 

in -.- 1777 at 3,974 
and in — 1784 at 4)489 



. Manchefter with Salford have equally increafed. 

Of houfes, there were in both, in — 1773 — 4,268 

in — 1783 — 6,178 

Of which there were returned to the tax-office, 

in 1777 — • — 2,519 

in 1784 -- — 3*665 



And it might be eafily Ihewn, that the fmaller towns, and 
villages, of Lancafliire, have grown nearly in the fame propor- 
tion; and this moft profperous county has, during the Lift 90 
years, increafed in the numbers of people with the boafted ra- 
pidity of the American States. Bofton (in New England) was 
fettled in 1633 ; yet, it did not contain twenty thoufand inha- 
bitants in 1775. Philadelphia was planted in 1682; yet, in 

its 



THE STRENGTH OF 0;*ER1TAIN. 21 9 

that thefe have added many to their numbers *. Yet, 
owing to what moral caufe is it, that York and Lan- 
cafhire, Chefler and Derby, have acquired fo many 
people ? Is it owing to their manufadtories, and 
traffic, and navigation, which augmented employ- 
ments ? Now, the fame caufes have produced the 
fame effedls, in the other counties of this fortunate 
iiland, in proportion as thofe caufes have prevailed 
in c.ich place. 

It is pretended, however, that the aflonifliing 
augmentation of our cities did not arife from births, 
amidfl: profperity, and happinefs, fince many people 
were brought from other difhrids, by the allure- 
ments of gain. The additional labourers could not 
alfuredly have come, in confiderable numbers, from 
thofe counties, which have fuftained no diminution 
of people themfelves ; and in no European country 
is there lefs migration, from one parifh to another, 
than in England. The principle of the poor lavvs 
checks population, by preventing the laborious 
poor, from looking for better employment, beyond 
the limits of their native pariilies. Every one 
knows with what tyrannic rigour the law of fettle- 
menls is enforced, by fending to their proper pa- 
ri flies the adventurous perfons, who had found no 
employment at home. It is noi, therefore, the mi- 
gration of the adult from the country to the town, 

its happiefl: days, it did not comprehend thirty thoufand fouls. 
The other towns of the American States, being much inferior 
to thefe, can ftill lefs be compared to the manufaduring villages 
of England, or to Pailley, in Scotland, in the quicknefs of their 
growth. 

* Uncertainty of Population, p. 1 4.r- 1 9. 

that 



220 AN ESTIMATE OF 

that continually fwells the amount of the bufy mul- 
titudes, which are feen to fwarm, where the fpirit 
of diligence animates the people : and it is the em- 
ployment, and habits of induflry, which are given to 
children, in manufaduring towns, that add to the 
aggregate of dwellers in them, more than the ar- 
rival of ftrangers. 

Having, in the foregoing manner, traced a gra- 
dual progrefs from The ConqKeft to The Revoluthn ; 
haying thus eftabliflied, by the bed proofs, which 
fuch an enquiry, without enumerations, admits, that 
the former current of population not only con- 
tinued to run, but acquired a rapidity, and afulnefs, 
as it flowed ; v\^e fliall not find it difficult, fince the 
chief objedions are removed, to afc-ertain the pro- 
bable amount of the prefent inhabitants. He who 
infifts, that there were in England and Wales 
1,300,000 inhabited houfes in 1688, mufh equally 
allow, fmce it has been proved, that of thefe there 
were 711,000, which were inhabited by perfons, 
who either received alms^ or gave none ; and it 
has been equally fhewn, that the necelfary labour 
of the prefent day could not, by any poffible exer- 
tions, be performed by the lower orders, who cer- 
tainly exlfced, in 168S. Hence, it is reafonable to 
conclude, that, fmce the 590,000 chargeable houfes* 
in 1690, were accompanied Vv'ith 710,000 divel- 
lings of the poor, the 721,000 chargeable houfes of 
1781, muil confequently be accompanied with 
865,000 dwellings of the por : For, fuch is the infer- 
ence of juft proportion. The diftind dwellings in 
England and Wales, when both claiies are added 

together. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BI?ITAIN. 221 

together, muil be 1,586,000 ; which, if multiplied 
by c-i, for the number of perfbns in each, would 
dilcover tlie whole numbers to be 8,447,200: But, 
there ought ftiil to be an adequate allowance, for 
empty houfes, and for other circumftances of dimi- 
nution; which, after every deduction, would lliew 
tiie prefent population of England and Wales to be 
rather more than eight million. From the enume- 
ration of 1 80 1, we certainly find, that the num- 
bers now are 953435578. And fuch an augmenta- 
tion, as this would evince, fmce the Revolution, is 
altogether confifient with reafon, with fad:s, and 
■with experience. 

Mr. Wallace, the learned antagonift of Mr. 
Hume, very juftly remarks *, " that it is not ow- 
^' ing to the want of prolific virtue, but, to the dif- 
" treffed circumftances of mankind, every genera- 
" tiondo not more than double themfelves; which 
" would be the cafe, if every man were married at 
" the age of puberty, and could provide for a fa- 
" mily." He plainly evinces, that there might 
have ealily proceeded from the created pair 6,2 9 1 ,456 
perfons, in feven hundred years. Fromx the forego- 
ing difcuilions, we have feen an augmentation of 
four million and a half of people, during fix centu- 
ries and a quarter, of tyranny, of war, and of pefti- 
lence. But, when we confider the more frequent 
employments, and agreeable comforts, of the people, 
their fuperior freedom, and greater healthfulnefs, 
we may aifuredly conclude, that there has been an 
augmentation of 2,830,000 fince The Revohaion, 
* DifTert. on the Numbers of Mankind, p. 8. 

Of 



222 AN ESTIMATE OF 

Of this great increafe of people, Ireland furnifhea 
a remarkable example, though this kingdom has 
not always enjoyed, during the effluxion of the laft 
century, a fituation equally fortunate *. Ireland 
has fuffered, during this period, the miferies of civil 
war, which ended in the forfeiture, and expullion of 
thoufands. In this period, alfo, multitudes con- 
ftantly emigrated, either to exercife their induflry, 
or to draw the fword, in foreign climes. Yet, are 
there abundant reafons to believe, that this prolific 
ifland has much more than trebled its inhabitants, 
in the laft hundred years.- 

Sir William Petty, w^ho poiTelTed very minute de- 
tails, with regard to the condition of Ireland, in 
the period, from the Reftoration to the Revolution, 
-ftated the number of houfes, in 1672 f, at 200,020 
The number returned by the tax-gatherers, 

in 1791 j, was - _ - -701,102 

* Though the hearth-books of England have funk into obli- 
vion, the hearth-books of Ireland remain. From the produce 
of the hearth-tax may be traced its gradual rife, as in the 
fubjoined detail, which evinces the progrefs of popula- 
tion. It yielded, according to a five years average, ending 



with — — — 1687 




^3Mi6 


Three years average, with 1732 




42456 


D^ — — with 1762 




55'«89 


Seven years — d° — 1777 


. 


59^869 


Five years — d" — 1781 


. 


60,648 


In 1781 





63,820 



See Bibl. HarL Brit. Muf. N«47o6~Mr. A. Young's Tour in 
Ireland, the Appendix — and Mr. Hovvlet's Effay on the Popula- 
tion of Ireland, p. 19. t Pol. Anatomy, p. 7-1 i-i 7-1 16. 

I See the account of houfes given in to the Irifh Parliament, 
t)n the 22d March 1792. * 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 223 

At "the firft epoch, the Irifh nation had fcarcely re- 
covered from a long and deftrudlive civil war. It 
is fufficiently known, that, notwithftanding the lau- 
dable efforts of the kite Mr. Buihe, there are feye- 
ral houfes omitted, which often happens, when in- 
tereft may be promoted by concealment. Sir Wil- 
liam Petty ftated the whole population of Ireland, 
in 1672, at - - - - 1,100,000 fouls. 
■Were we to multiply 701,102'! 

houfes of the year 1701, at 6 f . . , 

T ^ n • 11 1 ^ 4>2o6,6i2 do. 

in eacn *, this would carry the i 

number up to J 

* Mr. Bu(he had obtained adlual enumerations of the number 
of dwellers, in each houfe, throughout many places of Ireland, 
exclufive of Dublin, amounting to 87,895 fouls, in 14,108 
houfes, or nearly 6| in each dwelling. But, Mr. Buflie went 
a flep farther towards certainty, by getting the numbers, which 
dwelt in each kind of houfe : The houfes of paupers had 5-I in 
each; in new houfes were 4I ; in houfes with two hearths 
were 9; and in houfes with one hearth were 6| in each. Mr. 
Bulhe, however, confidered thefe numbers, as higher than the 
general average. And, from all thefe data, 1 have formed the 
following Table of the Population of Ireland, in 1791 ; 
Ihewinj? the number of each kind ofperfons, in that moft popu- 
lous kingdom : 
483,990 houfes of c»^ hearth, at 6 in each — 2,903,940 

67,663 houfes of /w<5, or more, hearths, at 8 in 

each — — — — 541,304 

15,025 houfes, unafcertained, whether of one 

hearth, or more, — at 6J in each 97,662 

21,868 new houfes — ■ — at 4 in each 87,47a 

112,556 paupers' houfes — at 5 in each 562,780 



701,10s houfes, containing of all kind of perfons 4,i93>i 98 

Were 



224 ^^ ESTIMATE OF 

Were we to admit this account, which has Indeed 
been doubted, as merely an approximation to truth, 
it would demonllrate a ftili more confiderable in- 
creafe of people, than, as we have fo many reafons 
for believing, took place, during the lafl hundred 
years, in England, which enjoyed more produdive 
advantages. This example ought to be more con- 
vincing than many arguments. 

The fame principles, which, in every age, influ- 
enced the population of England, and of Ireland, 
produced iimilar efFedts on the populoufnefs of 
Scotland. When England, and Ireland, were poor, 
and depopulated, we may eafily conjedlure, that 
Scotland could not have been very opulent, or po- 
pulous. As England, and Ireland, gradually ac- 
quired inhabitants, we may prefume Scotland fol- 
lowed their paths, though at a great diftance be- 
hind. And, the accounts, which the minifters of 
the feveral parifhes have lately tranfmitted to Sir 
John Sinclair, from enumerations, prove, that the 
people of Scotland have greatly increafed, during 
the iafl eigh't-and-thirty years*. An intelligent 
obferver might form a fatisfadory judgment of 

* The numbers of inhabitants, which the minifters of the feveral 
pariflies, in Scotland, have returned to Sir J. Sinclair, amount to 
1,526,492 : whereby it appears, that there has been an augmen- 
tation of 26 1, 1 1 2, fouls on 1,265,380^ which were the numbers, 
about the year 1755. The enumeration of iSoi evinces, that 
there were, then, in Scotland, about 1,600,000 fouls. And thus, 
this litigated queftion feems to be decided, as to Scotlaad, from 
aflual enumerations. 

the 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN^ 12^' 

ilie previous condition of England, and Scotland, 
froni the accurate ftatemehts, whereon their Union 
was formed. 

The ptibhc revenue of England was £. 5-691,803 
of Scotland^ - - 160,000 



Of the trade of both; we may determine 
from the cuftom-houfe duties, which, 
in England, were - ^ - - £- '^^34-^^559 
in Scotland^ ^„-.-«--- 34,000 

The grofs income of the pofts was- 

in England, - ~ - - - - - £, 101,101 
in Scotland, -------- 1,194 



feff the circulation of both, ^e may form 
an opinion from the re-coinage of 
both. There were re-coined, 

in England, during King William's 

reign, '""-''-£' 8,000,000 
in Scotland, fdon after the Union, 41 1,1 18 



We may decide, with regard to the con- 
fumption of both, froiii the excife 
duties i which j 

in England/ amounted to • - ;^. 947,602 
in Scotlandj to • - - - - 33>5<^^ 

ij From 



^20 AN ESTIMATE OP 

From thoie details, *^ it is reafonable to infer, tha:^ 
Scotland pofleiied, in thole days, no flourllhing huP 
bandry, few manufatfl:ories, little commerce;,, and 
lefs circulation, thotbgh there had certainly- been a 
confiderabie advaneCy^ in ail thefe, during' the tw© 
preceding centuries. " Numbers of people, the 
" greateft riches of other nations," faid Mr. Law-j-,. 
in 1705, "are a burden to us; the land is nofc 
" improved.; the produd: is not manufadured ; 
" the fifliing, and other advantages of foi^eiga trade, 
'^ are neglecV.ed.'* Such was the deplorable flatc 
of Scotland, at the epoch of her happy union with- 
England ! 

The Scots were, for years, tot) much engaged in- 
religious, and political, controverfy, t-o derive from, 
that fortunate event, all the advantages which, at 
length, have undoubtedly llowed from it. Their 
misfortunes, arifing chiefly from thofe evils, have, 
however, conferred on them the moil invigorat^ing 
benefits. The laws, that a wife policy enacVed, 
createci greater perional independence, and efta- 
bliihed better lafeguards for property,^ which have 
produced the uiual effefe of a more animating in- 
duilry. Of the intermediate improvements of their 
tillage, we may form fome judgment from the rife of - 
rents, and the advance of the purchale-money for 
land, which mud have necefiarily proceeded' from st 

• See the elaborate and very curious Hifrory of the tJnion, 
by De Foe, rcpubliflied by Stockdale; and Ruddimait's pre- 
face to Anierfon's Diplomata. 

f Conlide rations on Money and Trade, 

better 



TH2 StRE^GTri OF G. BRITAIN. 11'] 

better hufbandry, or a greater opulence. The ma- 
.nufad:ories, which the Scots doubtlefs poffeiied, in 
J 707, though to no confidfcrable extent, have not 
only been g^eatl3^ enlarged * j but to the old; new 
'ones have meanwhile been added: The value of theif 
\vhole exports by Tea, amounted, at the epoch of 
the Union, if we may believe Mr. Law, to about 
/. 300,000 : The whole of thefe exports were car- 
ried up, before the colony war began, to^f .1,800,000, 
if vve may credit the cufLom-houfe books; The 
tonnage of Ihipping, which Annually entered the 
ports of Scotland, at the firfl -^ra, was only 
io;0oot; but, at the Inil, 93,000' tons. The 
foregoing ftatements, general as they are, will. 
evince to every intelligent mind, how much the 
c'driimerce, and navigation, of Scotland have in- 
treafed, fmce the hearts, and hands, of the two 
kingdoms were fortunately joined together, and 
how many uiefui people {ht has added to her 
original numbers. 

Of the traffic of Scotland ^ it ought to be however 

remarked^ 



* The quantity of Hnen made for Sale, in Scotland, during 
1728, was only 2,000,000 yards; but, in 1775, 12,000,000. 
The linen is the chief manufa*5lure of Scotland; and, wer^ 
we to regard this as a proper reprefentative of the whble, we 
might from this infer a very confiderable augmentation in 
every other minufadute. 

t In the Harl. MSS. No. 6209; Brit. Maf. there is a lift of 
the ihips belonging to Scotland, (as they were entered in the 
Regift«r General kept at London) and -trading in the ports 

0^2 ff 



228 AN ESTIMATE OF 

remarked, that it is more eafily driven from i^^ 
courfe, than the Englifh, either by internal misfor-" 
tmies, or by foreign warfare ; becaufe it is lefs 
iirmly eftablillied ; it is fupportcd by fmaller capi- 
tals ; and it is lefs extenfive, in its range.= The 
bankruptcies of 1772 deduced nearly ^^.300,000 
from the annual exports of Scotland. The commer- 
cial events indeed of our two laft v;ars would alone 
juftify this remark. Let us compare, then, the ex- 
ports of Scotland, when they were the lovveft, dur- 
ing the war of 1756, with the loweft exports of the 
colony-war, and the highefl exports of the h%ik; with 
the highefl; of the fecond -, becaufe we feall there- 
by fee the deprefiions, and elevations,- of both ; 

of that kingdom, from Ghriftntas 1707, to Chriftmas 171 2 j 
diftinguiftiing thofe belonging to Scotland, prior to the Unions 
as follows : 

Veffels. Toiisj 

Total, — ^ — i — 1,123 — 50,232*' 

Prior to the Union, — - — 215 — 14,485 



Increafe — s ^^ 908 — 35?747 
Irhere belonged to Scotland, in 1792, of 

veflels, which entered only once, — 2,116 — i'^.\SST 



Of which were employed, in 1792, in 

vj?oreign trade, — — — 718 — S^,02f 

Coaft trade, — — . — . 1,022 — 50,940 

Filhing Ihallops, &c. — — 376 — 19,890^ 



The Total, — — 2,116—154,857 



TJbofe comparative flatements evince, undoubtedly, a very 
QSilEderable increafe of Ihipping in the intermediate period. 

The 



rHE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 22^ 



The Value of Exports, 

!-535'577 ■ |» 1/^2 . 

62SJO49 — in 1778 ■ 

in ly^^j — 828,577 — r— in 1781 — 763,809 



^ }rSS —C-SV-SII • iu 1782 — /.653,709 

in 1756 — 62SJ049 — in 1778 -— 702,820 



in 1760 — i,oS5,.205 — — in 1776 — - 1.025,973 
in 1761 — 1,165,722 - — r- in 1777 — 837,643 
in 1762 -^ 998,165 in 1780 — 1.002,039 

When we recolie6t, .that Great Britaui was en- 
gaged, during the war with her colonies, which 
<Dccupied lb much of the foreign trade of Scot- 
land, with France, with Spain, and with Holhind, 
we ought not to be furprifed, that fo much fhould 
be loft, as that fo much (hould remain, at the end of 
^eight 3^ears hcililities. It was deranged, but it was 
jiot ruined, as had been predided, in 1774. And, 
when the various prelTures of this moft diftrefsful 
war were removed, though with a tardy hand, it 
began to rife ; yet not with the elafticity of 1763 ; 
becaufe the colony commerce, which furnifhed fo 
many of the exports of Scotland, had been turned 
into other channels. But, the following detail will 
enable us to form a more accurate judgment, with 
regard to this interefting fubjed: : 

The* Value of Exports from Scotland, 

in 15762 — ^.998,165 — — in 1782 — ;f •653,709 

in 1763 — - 1,091,536 in 1783 — 829,824 

in 1764 — 1,234,927 in 1784 — 929,900 

|n 1765 — 1,180,867 . in 1785 — 1,007,635 



Q 3 It 



Z^O AN ESTIMATE OF- 

It ought, however, to be remembered, that ia 
the firft period, complete peace was eftablifhed in. 
1763; but, in the laft, it was not bAly reftored 
till the middJe of 17 84. Yet, the iliipping ot 
Scotland will be found;, as we have already per- 
ceived the ihips to be in Enp;land^ our mofl infallible 
guides^ becauie, the entries of thips are. more ac- 
curately taken than the value of cargoes, and trade 
can fca.rcely be faid to decline, while our veflels 
increafe. Let us attend, then, to the following 
detail of fhips, which entered in the ports of Scot- 
land, during the following years, both before, and 
after, the late war ; 



Foreicjn Tr?.Oz. Coail Trndc, Fifninj^, J:c. 
in 1769 — 48.-274 tons. 21,615 tons. 10,275 ton.s. 
in 1774 — 57., 225 — 26,214 — 14,90; 
in 1784 — 50.386 — 3i>SA'-^ "— 10^421 
in 1785 — 60,356 — 36,371 — 11,25^ 

* The cuftom-houfe account, from which the above detail 
is taken, ilates the fhips to belong to Scotland^ accounting each 
<ve£el only one 'voyage in every year. This comparative eftimate 
of the fhipping, which were employed in the foreign, or over- 
fea, trade of Scotland, may be carried b^ck to the peace ot 
1763. Thus, there were employed, \n foreign voyages, 

in 1759 — 22,902 tons. — in 1761 — 31.411 tons, 

in 1763 — 33'352 — 1" 1764 — 41*076 

in 1782 — 50,530 — in 1792 — 84,027 

in 1802 — 94,276 . 

Whence, we may undoubtedly conclude, that Scotland poflefles 
a much greater navigation at prefent, than at the peace of 
1763, or at any prior <Tpoch. 

to 



"THE STRENGTH OF G. fiRlTAlN". 23 I 

to that of 1 7745 it was equally fuperior to that of 
ij6^, as that of 1785 was to that of 1774: 
That the coaft tr^tde was much greater, in 1785, 
than ever it ijad been., in any prior year* And, 
•that the filhing bufuiefs of 1785 was more exten- 
sive than it had been in 1769, but much more 
confined than in 1774, if we may implicitly credit 
•the cuftom-houfe books. 
. However the foreign ^trade of Scotland may 
have been deprefled, by the colony-war, there is 
Teafon to believe, that llie has -thereby added to 
Jicr domeftic manufactures. The commercial ca- 
pitals, which could no longer be employed abroad, 
were at length more ufefuily laid out at home. 
«|nftead ©f -promo thig the labour of other countries, 
•thefe capita4s fu-rniflied employment to many hands, 
rW.ithin the kingdoFP.. And, Scotland has, by thefe 
means, extended her valuable m^anufadure of 
■gauzes; llie has augmenteci the number of her 
.print-fields; fhe has acquired every branch of the 
cotton bu:fmefs ; and flie has greatly increafed her 
4inens^. Thus it is, -that an adive people may 

be 

♦ 'Of Linens there were made for Sale ; 
in 1772 - 13,089,006 yai'ds. — in 1782 - 15,348,744 yards. 
. .1773 - io.74^>iio — 17^3 - i7»o74>777 

1774 - 11,422,115 — 1784 - 19.138,593 

1792 - 21,065,386 



The greater number of fhipping, which are at prefect em* 
.ployed, than before the war, in the coaft-trade of Scotland, 
jTeems alfo to evince an augmentation of domeftic commerce. 

This comfortable tr^ith js alfo proved by the increafe of the 
Q^4 export 



a32' A N E S T ? M ^ T E O F 

be even eiiriched, by tlnowing obftrudions, \n the, 
vvay of their foreign comnierce. And, if pio- 
dudive labour conftitute genuine wealth, the Scots 
rnay be regarded, at prefent, as a nation more in- 
duftrious, opulent, and populous, than they were 
before the colony-war began, and much more 
than at the epoch of the Union. 

Thefe obiervations apply equally to England. 
Every occurrence, which at any time turned addi- 
|:ional capitals into domeftic employments, necef- 
fariiy contributed to improve tlie agriculture, to 
augment the manufadures, to mcreafe the wealth, 
and to add to the population of the country, by 
^nelding a greater quantity of produdlive labour, 
Ireland, we have cleany feen^ add millions to her 
numbers, in the fliort period of little more than a 
century, amidft, civil war, and frequent emigrations. 
Scotland, we have alfo beheld, add greatly to her 
cffedtive population, in the effluxion of forty years. 
And, England, like every other civilized country, 
rnuft, of confequence, have made many additions 
to her popuioufnefs, during the bufy courfe of 
the lad hundred years. An argument was brought 
forward, with the parade of confidence, to prove a 
contrary pofition. But, after a fair examination, 
this argument, if it merits that dignified name, has 

export by fea of Scotch manufa(Elures ; of which there were 
thus exported, according to a three-years average, ending 
u'ith 1774, the value of — — ^^ — ^. 478,347 
i)itto, with 1792 — — — — — 888,425 

in i8g2 — — —.—.— 2,023>o69 

been 



THE STRElbiaTH OF G. BRIf AIN. 233 

}.)ecn found to have, at leaft, the pertinacity of fac- 
tioufnefs, if it have not the friyoloufnefs of folly. 
Ler all, then, who, like true philofophers, reafon 
from fads, and deduce from experience, 

*' Leave fach to trifle with more grace, and eafe, 
^' W horn fo/fy pleafeSj or whok follies pleafe^** 



GHAP. 



-^34 '"^ ^ E S T I M AT E or 

C H A P. XII. 

A Review of the foregoiug Documents propofed. — A 
ftipplemental Proof from a Chronological Table of 
Commerce. — A Commentary thereon.-^'The fucceffive 
Epochs from 1660 to 1793. — T'ke l^minage of 
■ ^ I Lipping.— The value of exported Cargoes, — Tim 
Balance of Trade. — The nett Cvftoms. — The 
Amount of the Coinage in that long Period. — The 
Conclnfon of this P\.eview^ which refetls a flattef- 
hig Profpect of our future Profperity., 

j\ R E V I E W of the feveral documeuis, which 
-^ ^ are contained, in the foregoing Eftimate, 
^vould greatly illufLrate the interefting fubjecl of 
the profperity, and populoufnefs, of Greai' Britain. 
iVs a fupplemental proof^ I have annexed a Chrono-, 
logical Account of Commerce^ in this iiland., from the 
Reftoration to the year 1803^ with defign to exhibit 
a more connected view of the weaknefs of its com- 
mencement, the flruggles of its progreiiion, and 
the greatnefs of its maturity, than has yet been 
done. This Chronological Table will fpeak to the 
eye, while it convinces the underftanding, and 
comforts the heart. And, the commentary on the 
various heads of this Table \^A\\ furnifli opportuni- 
ties, which did not occur before, of treating of many 
topics that, as they confirm the doubtful, and 
illuftrate the dark, will throw a very pleafant 
light on our future profperity, by taking a fliort 
3.-etrofpect of the paft* 

A C H R O- 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 235 

Of the Chronological Table, the eye inflantly per- 
ceives the difpofition of the parts, and the inteiled: 
fully comprehends the arrangement of the whole. 
Jn the firft column may be feen the fucceflive 
epochs, beginning with the Reiloration, whence 
certainty may be faid to commence, and ending 
with the year 1802. The fecond column gives 
the tonnage of the fliipping, which fucceffively fail- 
ed from England, diftinguiQiing the Engiifn from 
the foreign, in order to find, in the amount of 
each, the falutary effects of the act of navigation. 
The third column contains the value of the mer- 
chandize, which were from year to year fent 
put, that the extent of th^ cargoes may be com- 
pared with the quantity of tonnage, which car- 
ried them ; and, though the Scotch tonnage could 
not be adjoined^, the value of the Scotch exports 
is added, becaufe every one finds a gratifica^ 
tion, in extending his views. The fourth-column 
exhibits the refult of our exports and imports 
compared, which forms what has been denomi- 
nated the balance of trade. The fifth column 
fi:ates the nett cufhoms, which our foreign com- 
merce has yielded, at different periods, becaufe, 
while the detail gratifies curiofity, it furnifiies no 
inconfider^ble proof of the profperity, or decline, of 
our traffic. And the lafh column contains, what 
may be regarded, as the refult of the whole, the 
funis, which have been coined in England, during 
every reign, frgm the Keftoration to the 25th of 

March 



£3^ AN ESTIMATE O F 

March 1803 ; becaufe the mint^ as Sir Robert Cot- 
ton expi'elfes it, is the pulfs of the commonweakh. 

That the progrefs of our traffic, and navigation^ 
from the commencemeni: of the feventeenth cen- 
tury, to the ?era of the Reftoration, had been re- 
markably rapid, all mercantile writers feem to ad- 
mit. The navigation ad contributed greatly to 
/:arry this advance up to the Revolution. Sir 
William Petty flated, in 1670, " that the {hip- 
ping of England had trebled in forty years. '^ 
Dodor Davenant afterwards afferted *, '" that ex- 
perienced merchants did agree, that we had, in 
1688, near double the tonnage of trading fliip- 
ping to what we had in j666." And Anderfonf 
inferred, from the concurring teftimony of authors 
on this interefling fubjecj:, " that the EngHfli nation 
was in the zenith of commercial profperity at the 
Revolution.'* We have already examined how 
much the commercial gain of our traders was 
taken av/ay by the war, which immediately fol- 
lowed that mofh important event in our annals. 
But, the eye mud be again thrown over the chrono- 
logical table, if the reader wi(h for a more com- 
preheniive vi^w of the continual progrefs of navi- 
gation, from the ftation of eminence, to which 
Anderfon had traced it ; its temporary interruptions; 
and, notwithftanding the independence of the Ame- 
rican ftates, its final exaltation, in the year ,1802. 

* Vol. ii. p. 29. 

t Chr,on. Ccmrierce; vol. ii, p. f 87* 

If 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITARJ^ i'^ 

If we cofnpare the greatnefs of 1688, with the 
•amount of 1774, 1784, 1792, and 1802, we (liall 
difcover, that the navigation of the latter epochs 
had reached a: point of the mercantile heavens^ 
fo much more exalted than the forrner, as to 
reverfe its pofition ; as to convert what was once 
the zenith into the nadir now. 

Tons Englifli. Do foreign. Total. 

Contraft 1688- 19^,533- 95,267- 285,80a 

with 1774- 798,24a- 65,273- 863,513- 

with 1784- 846,355 • 113,064- 959'4i9 
with 1792 - 1,396,003 - i69',r5i - 1,56^5,1 54^ 



*rhe famous Mr. Gregory^ King cal- 
culated *, " ihat we gained annually , 

on the freight of Englifli flipping^ ifi 

1688, — — —^.810,000.'' 

If the " national profit on the naval 

trade ofEngland^ in 1688," amou n t - 

ed to ;^.8iG,ooo, what ought t6 

have been the national profit on our 

kaval trade ^ in 1774? If 190,000 

tons gained ^T. 810,600^ 790,coo 

tons muft have gained — ;C*^»3-^73^89v 

940,000 tons, including the Scots 

fhips, muft alfo have gained, in 

1784, — — — ;^. 4,060,000.' 

And, 1,561,158 toris, including the 

Scots, muft have gained, in 1792, ;/;. 6,665,463. 



Dav, Workvvol. iv. p. 146, 

This 



2 3 -S ■ A N E S T I M A T E ? 

This is, doubtlefs, a vaft fum to be annual];^ 
gained from our outward freights -, but, great a^ 
it appears, in a mere mercantile hght, when a^ 
large a fum is added to it, for oiir inward freights^ 
the immenfe navigation, from whence it arifesj 
mufh be conlidered as ftili more advantageous to 
the ftate, being a never-faiUng fouree, from which 
feamen, and tranfports, may be conftantly drawn 
for the ufes of war. If from the tonnagCj which 
may be moft fafely followed, in difcovering the 
benefits of our navigation, and commerce, during 
every age, we look into the column of cargoes^ in 
the Chronological Table, we flialt find an excellent 
auxiliary, in the ledger of the infpeclor-general, 
for conducing our incjuiries, and forming ourjudg- 
ments. 

To inveftlgate the value of our exports, and of 
our imports, during the difturbed times of ouf 
Edwards, and Henries, or even in the more tran- 
quil days of Elizabeth, would be a refearch of 
curiohty, rather than of ufe. Oit a fubjed: of fuch 
difiicult difcuflion, as no fufficient data had yet 
been eflabliflied, the mofl judicious calculators 
could only fpeak in terms indefinite, and therefore 
unfatisfadory : yet Sir William Petty, Sir Jofiah 
Child, Dr. Davenant, and ]\'Ir. Locke, all agreed 
in aflerting, that ourcom.merce ilouriilied extremely 
from 1 666 to i688, when it had increafed beyond, 
all former example ; and when its general grow^th,. 
in the opinion of the moil experienced merchants^ 
was double, in its magnitude, at the Kc volution, to- 

itsr 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 239 

its ufual extent at the Refhoration. In the Chro- 
nological Table, the value of exported commodities 
was adjufted for both thofe periods, by a ftandard;^ 
which feems to be thus admitted as juft, by the 
wifeft men in England. 

During that day of commercial darknefs, the 
experienced Sir Philip Meadows, whofe prefence 
for fo many years did honour to the Board of 
Trade, fat down to form " a general gjlimate of the 
trade of England,'^ from the amount of the duties, 
which were paid, at the cuiiom-houfe, on our 
importations, and on our ex[X)rts. Dired:ed by 
his native fagacity, he produced a ftatement of our 
commerce,, on an average of the three years of war 
1694 — 95 — 96; which appears now, from a com- 
parifon with the entries in the ledger of the infpec- 
tor -general, to have been wonderfully exad. 

The value of exports*, according to 

Sir Philip's calculation, - -^.3,124,000 

D°, according to the ledger, from Mi- 
chaelmas 1696 to D" 1697 - - 3,525,907.. 



* But Sir P. Meadows excluded from his calculation the 
value of butter, cheefe, candles, beef, pork, and other pro- 
vifions exported to the Plantations, and the value of their 
produds imported into England, which were afterwards con- 
fumed ; '* being in the nature of our coafl-trade among oar 
own people.'* Had he included thefe, his ftatement had 
been iHlI nearer in its amount to the ledger of the infp£,6lQr" 
general- 

The 



240 AN 'J'.^TiUATE 0§ 

' The valiie of imports, according tp 

him, - ^ - - - -^.3,050,06^ 
D^i aeebrding to the ledger, - * 3,482,587 

The favourable bala^ice of trade, ac- 
cording to him, - : = - ;C- 74iOod 
D% according to the ledgcri f ^ 455341 

In the foregoing detail, fronl which we may 
afcertain, by comparifon, nearly the truth, we be- 
hold the inconfiderable extent of the national com- 
fnerce, at the peace of Ryfwick, in 1697. ^, faid 
that able ftatefman, the prefent condition of England 
be not fatisfa^ory to the public, from the general 
account of it here mentioned, various ways may be 
followed to improve it : And his fuggeftions hav- 
ing been gradually adopted, in after times pro- 
duced, at length, the wiflied-for effecls of an 
active indufiry at home, and a profperous naviga- 
tion abroad. From that epoch, we have hi the 4 
books of the infpedor-general ail the certainty; 
with regard to the annual amount of our exports, 
and 6ur imports, which the nature of fuch con> 
plicated tranfadlions eaiily admit. But, fhould the 
nation wiih for more fatisfadory evidence, on a 
fubjed: fo interefting,. becaufe it involves in it the 
welfare of the ftate, the fame motion, which was 
made in the Houfe of Commons by Mr. Lownds */ 

during' 

» *' In order to prevent this mifchief [of exaggerated en- 
tries] fays Davenaivt, a claufe was offered, and Very much 
2 jnfiilf<l 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAiIT, 24-t 

during the reiga of Queen xlnne, to oblige the 
traders to make true entries of their cargoes, may 
be again propofed, and, if it can be freed from 
objediion, carried into effect, by parliam.entary re- 
gulations. 

Meantime the tonnage of fhipping, which 
tranfported the fuperfluous products of England, 
has been adjoined^ in the foregoing table, to the 
value of cargoes, in order to fupply any defed: of 
proof, and to corroborate the certainty of each, 
by a fair comparifon of both. When Sir Philip 
Meadows confidered, with fo much attention, our 
commercial affairs^ he gave it, as his opinion, 
" that the advantage of trade cannot be computed 
by any general meafure better than by that of 
the navigation,'' Jt requires not, indeed, the 
grafp of Sir Philip's mind to perceive, that the 
tonnage is naturally the evidence the mofh to be 
relied on^ where there is any doubt : in this mode 
of proof there is no fi6tlon : the entries are made 
at the Cufhom Houfe, on the oath of the mafiers ; 
though the tonnage was fuppofed to contain for- 
merly about one-third lefs than the truth : but, the 
general average being once known, and admitted, 
we may argue from the apparent amount, with no 
more dread of deception, than we ihould expeft 
from the notices of the moft. authentic record. In 
comparing the value of the cargoes with the ex- 

iniifted on by Mr. Lownds, but obllruifled by the merchants, 
for ends not very juftifiable, and the claufe was not received.'* 
Day, vol. V, Whitworth's edit, p, 443, 

R tent 



^^42 AW ES-r'IM'Atfi 1^' 

tQiit of the tonnage, as both are flated in th^, 
foregoing table, we ought to infer, that the firfi- 
rnuit always be fuperior in its rlfmgs, and depref-- 
iions, to the lafb. It was with a view to that 
comparifon, and this correfpondence, that the bul-' 
lion, whofe annual exportation, for fo many years^ 
frightened the graved politicians^ was deduced 
from the value of the tranfported merchandize; 
ilnce it occupied little room in the tonnage, yet 
iwelled confiderably the calculation of the general 
cargo : But the exported bullion was retained, in 
forming the balances of trade;, becaufe, though it 
rannot properly be ccniidered as a manufadure, it 
ought neverthelefs to be deemed a very valuable. 
part of our aclual wealth, v/hich we fend abroad m 
expectation of a profitable return. 

Thus, we fee, in the foregoing documents, thehefi 
tvidertce, with regard to our navigation, and our 
trade, that the nature of the enquiry ad;nits. He 
who wifhes to fatisfy his doubts,- or to gain infor- 
mation, by ^h row ins his eve over the ftate of our 
exports, from 1696 to i774> as it has been pub- 
liihed by Sir Charles Whit worth, or the value of 
cargoes, v^'hich have been exported., during the- 
prefent reign, as they have been arranged,- in the 
foregoing table,- muft perceive, tlmt when one 
year furniPnes a great exportation, the next fup- 
plies the foreign markets with lefs; the third 
ufually fends a cargo fuperior to the iirft , and the 
fourth gives often a fmaller quantity than the lafl:^- 
^he amount of which^ however, isfeldom below the- 

level 



THE STREN'dTII OF G. SRITAIN. 2^3 

level of the firfl. This ftriking variation arifes 
chiefly from the irregularities of univerfal demand, 
fince foreign fairs are fometimes empty, and fome- 
times full ; and partly from the fpecuiations, per- 
haps, the caprice, of traders. Andj it has been 
ilievvn, from tlie mofh fatisfadory proofs, that the 
year of profound peace, which immediately fuc- 
ceeds the conclufion of a lengthened war, always 
exhibits a great exportation, becaufe every mer- 
chant makes hafhe to be rich : Thus, 1698, 1 7 14, 
1749, 1764^ and 1785, form epochs of great re- 
lative traffic. But, it is from the averages of 
diflant years, at given periodsj that we can only 
form a decided opinion, with regard to the real 
profperity, or decay, either of commerce^, or of 
navigation : Thus, from the Reftoration, to the 
Revolution^ the foreign trade of England had dou- 
bled in its amount : from the peace of Rylivick 
to the demife of King William, it had nearly rifen 
in the fame" proportion. During the firft thirty 
years of the late century, it had again doubled : 
and from the year 1750 to 1774, notwithftanding- 
the interruptions of an eight-years intervenient war, 
it appears to have gained more than one-fourth. 
We had four times more trade, and jive times 
more Inipping, in 1792, than the nation enjoyed, 
in 1702 *. 

Though the late vvars feem to have been le- 
velled rather agalnft the indufbry of the manufac- 
turer^ and the projects of the merchant, t;haa 

* See the chronokgkcil Table, p. 234. 

R 2 againft 



:i44 -A'^ ESTIMATE Of 

againfl: the force of our fleets^ or the power of ouf 
armies ; though repeated blows of unuiual feverity 
were foinetimes given to our navigation, and our 
traffic I yet ourdomeftic diligence purfues with nn-^ 
abated ardour its ufual occupations ; the number of 
our fhipping at prefent is great beyond example -, 
and our trade, which was faid to be almofl undone* 
ftill rifes fuperior to its lolTes, and bids defiance to 
prophecy. Let this coniideration, comfort every 
lover of his countryj iince it is difficult to animate 
the defpondentj and it is impoffible to convince the 
incredulous. 

If from, thofe exhilarating topics^ ive turn to the 
column in the chronological table, W'hich is occu- 
pied by the balance of trade,- we fhail find rather 
a more melancholy topic. No difquilition has 
engageci the pens of a more numerous clafs of 
w;ii ers, than that fruitful fubject ;" who all com- 
plained of the difficulty of their labours, as they 
were each dire6Ved by feeble lights ; and who 
warned their readers of the uncertainty of their 
conciuiionSj becaxife their calculaltions had been 
formed on very difputable data. 

in reviewing their performances^ how amufing, 
is it to obferve, that though the fagacious Petty., 
and the experienced Child, the profound Temple,- 
and the intelligent Davenant^ had all taken it for 
granted, as a poftulate, which could not be dif- 
pnted, t/ia^ a balance of trade ^ either favourable, or 
djfadvantageous, enriched, or impoveriflied, every com-^ 
mercial country — a writer, as able as the ableil of 
them., iliould have at length appeared, who denied 

the 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN". 245 

the truth of its exiftence, at lead of its efficacy 1 
The late Mr. Hume feems to have written his 
fine EJ}ay on the Balance of Trade ^ partly with de- 
lign to throw a difcredii: on the declamations of 
Mr. Gee, " zvJdch had firuck the nation with an 
nniverfal panlc^'' perhaps more with the laudable 
purpofe of convincing the public " of the impofJibL 
iity of our loftng our money ^ by a wrong balance^ as 
long as we prefer ve our people, and our indifiry'^ 

Whatever wife men may determine, with regard 
to this curious, perhaps important, fpeculation, 
reafon meanwhile atierts, what experience feems 
to confirm, " that there is a certain (quantity of buU 
lion fent by -one nation to another, to pay for what 
they have not been able to compenfate by the barter 
of commodities, or by the remittance of bills of ex- 
change ; zvhich may be therefore deemed the balance of 
trade.^* And a writer on political oeconomya who 
is equal to Mr. Hume in reach of capacity, and 
fuperior to him in accuracy of argument, the late 
Sir James Stuart, has examined his reafonings^ 
and overturned his fyftem, which is elegant in ^ts 
ftrudure, but weak in its foundation. It behoves 
us, therefore, to look a little more narrowly into 
the ftate of the traffic, which Britain carries on 
with the world, in order to clifcover, if pofiible^ 
how much bullion lire pays to each of her com- 
mercial correfpondents, or how much .(lie receives 
from them. 

Admitting that the apparent tide of payments 

fiowed againft this iiland, anterior to the Revolu- 

tion, it does not feem eafy to difcover the exaft 

^ 3 pQiat 



24^ AN ESTIMATE OF 

point of time, when it began to ebb, in a contrar;^ 
diredtion. 

§ir Philip Meadows, we have feen, 
found a balance in our favour, on 
an average oi the bufineis of 1694 
—5— 6, of -.-.-.. ;^. 74,000 

The ledger of the infpedor-general 

fliewed a balance, on the IrafSc of 

1697, of - - -^ - - - • 43.341 

The re-eftablifhment of peace gave 

us a return, in 1698, of - - - 1,789,744 
But, an increafe of imports reduced 

the balance, in 1699, to - - - 1,080,497 
And an augineniation of exports 

again raifed the balance, in 1700, 

to --------- - i,33M4i 



We now behold the dawn of knowledge, in re- 
fped: to this interefting part of our oeconomy, 
w'i.ich has, at all times, been the mofl: enveloped in 
darknefs, and which fometimes introduced all 
the unpleafantnefs of uncertainty, and entailed too 
often the gloom of defpondence. But, it ought 
to be remembered, that whether we import more 
th^^di we export, is a mere queflion of fa£l:, which 
depends on no one's opinion, fmce, like all other 
difpu table fadls, it m.ay be proved by evidence. 

We m.uft recur once more to the ledger of the 
infpedior-general of our foreign trade, as the beft 
evidence, which the nature of the inquiry can fuF- 

Bifli^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN, 247 

nirii, or perhaps ought to be required. After ad- 
mitting the force of every objedion, that' has beea 
made agaiiifl the entries at the cuftom-houfe, we 
may apply to that curious record of our traffic, 
what the Lord Chief Juflice Hale * afferted, with 
regard to the parifh regillers of births and burials, 
" that it gives a greater demoyijlr ation than a hun- 
dred 7iatiofial arguments can either evince or confuted 
It was from that fource of accurate information, 
that the balances were drawn, which are inferted 
in the foregoing chronological table; and it re- 
quires only '^ afnatch of fight '^ to perceive all the 
iluduations of our mercantile dealings with the 
world, as they v\^ere direded by our activity, or 
our caprice, or remiirnefs \ and to decide, with re- 
gard to the extent of our gains, at every period, 
by the fettlemept of our grand account of profit, 
and lofs, on every commercial adventure. One 
truth mufh be admitted, which has been confider- 
ed by fome, as a melancholy one, becaufe they 
inferred from it, '^ that zve were driving a Iqfing 
trade,^^ that the apparent balance has been lefs 
favourable, in the prefent, than in the preceding 
reign. In order to ^account, for this unwelcome 
notice, it has been infifted that, as we grew more 
opulent, we became more luxmious, and, as our 
voiuptuoufnefs increafed, our induftry diminifhed, 
till, in the progrefs of oiir folly, we found a de- 
Jight in facrificing our diligence, and oeconomy, to 

* Origination of Mankind, p. 207. 

B 4 thf 



24§ A K ESTIMATE OF 

the gratifications of a pleafurable moment^ du- 
ring a diilipated age. 

But, declamation is oftener ufed to conceal the 
bewitching errors of fophiftry, than to inveftigate 
the infhrudiive dedudlions of truth. Corifidering 
the balance of trade, as an interefting fubjed, to a 
commercial nation, it muft be deemed not only 
of ufe, but of importance, to inquire minutely, 
which of our mercantile correfpondents are our 
debtors, and which are our creditors \ and to ftate, 
which country remits us a favourable balance, and 
to which we are obliged, in our turn, to pay one. 
Nor, is it fatisfadory to contrail the general ba- 
lances of different periods, in order to form gene- 
ral conclufions, w^hich may be either jufc, or falla- 
cious, as circumafhances are attended to, or ne- 
glected. From a particular ftatement it will 
clearly appear, that we trade with the greater num- 
ber of the nations of Europe on an advantageous 
ground ; with few of them on an unfavourable one ; 
that fonie ftates, as Italy, Turkey, and Venice, 
may be coniidered as of a doubtful kind, becaufe 
they are not, in their balances, either conftantly 
favourable, or unfavourable. To banifh uncertainty 
from difquifition is always of importance. With 
this defign, it is propofed to date an average of the 
balance of apparent payments, which were made, du- 
ring the years 1771— 2— 3 to England, by each cor- 
refponding community, or which fhe made to them: 
and the averages of thefe years are taken, in order 
to difcover the genuine balance of tr^ade on the 

whole^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 249 

whole, fince they Teemed to be the lead affedled by 
the approaching iiorm. Where the fcaie of re-r 
mittance vibrates in fufpence, between the coun- 
tries of doubtful payments, an average of fix years 
is taken, deducting the adverfe excefles of import^ 
and of exp jrt, from each other, 

Let us examine the following detail of our Eu- 
ropean commerce : 



Countries of favourable Balances- 
Denmark and Norway — ,Q 7^>47S 



Flanders — 


— 


73-0,083 


France — — 


— 


190,605 


Germany — 


». 


695,484 


Holland — 


— ] 


[,464,149 


Italy [doubtful] 


— 


43,289 


Porcug-d / -^ 
Madeira 5 — 


~ 


274,13* 


— 


9^514 


Spain J — 
Canaries S — 


— 


442,539 


— 


23,347 


Stveights — — 


— 


113,310 


Ireland — — - 


— 


663,5i6 


■J fie of Man — 


— 


13.-773 


Alderney — 


-— 


1,229 


Guernfey [doubtful] 


— 


6,269 


Jerfey [doubtful] 


^• 


8,850 




4,8o8,57z 



Count rles of unfavourahh Balances, 
Eaft country [doubtful] ^.100,230 
RufTia — — 822,607 

Sweden — — ? 117,365 

Turkey [doubtful] — 120,497 
Venice [doubtfLilJ — • 11,369 



;^.i,i72,o^S 
Eavourable balance Zi^l^i%°^ 



i:.4,8o8,57a 



Having thus fairly ftated the countries of Eu-. 
rope, from which w^e receive yearly a balance oa 
our trade, againft thofe, to which we annually 
jpaake unfavourable payments ; and having found 
\ipon ftriking the difference, that v/e gained, at 
the commencement of the late war, a net balance^ 

of 



250 



AN ESTIM AT E OF 



of jf. 3,636,5045 let us now inquire what we 
gained > or loft, by our fatlories in Africa, and in 
Afja. 

Africa — — - £-^S^i<,99 E<aft ladies — -. ^.1,105,511 
Unfavourable balance 448,9)2 

^.1,105,511 ;^.i, 105,511 



Having thus found an unfavourable balance on 
the traffic of cur fadtories, of ^'.448,912, it is 
BOW time to examine the trade of our former, and 
prefent, colonies, which has too often been conii- 
dered, as the only commerce worthy of our care; 
as if we had gained every thing, and loft nothing 
by it. 

U'lfwL'ourabh Bulnnces. 



Neivfoundland [doubt 


fui] ^,-29,484 


Antigua — 


— 


^.44, 1 63 


Canada — 


— 187,974 


Barbadoes — 


— 


44*969 


Nova Scotia — 


— i4>434 


Carolina [doubtful] 


— . 


308,050 


New England — 


— 790'244 


Hudfon's Bay — 


— 


2,501 


New York — 


— 34 3'992 


Jamaica — 


— 


753. 770 


Pennfyh-ania — 


— 521,900 


Montferrat — 


— 


46,623 


Vrrginia and 


1 _ T A r, 5 "O 


Nevis •— 


— 


47>^38 


Maryland [doubtful] , 


t — •'^;i»''o^ 


St. Chridopher's 


— 


149,^59 


Georgia [doubtful] 


— 360 


Grenades — 


— 


288,962 


Florida — 


— 37^966 


Dominica — 


— 


158,447 


;permudas — 


— 9'54i 


St. Vincent — 
Tobago — 


— 


104,238 
16,064 






■"■"• 




;C.2,I2I,I25 


New Providence 


— 


2,094 






Tortola — 


— 


23,032 






St. Croix — 


-- 


11,697 






St. Euftatia — 


— 


5>o96 






Spanifh Weft Indies 


— ■ 


35»3S2 






Greenland — 


— 


18,274 






Balance 


/•^ 


261,291 




^.2,321,125 


1,121,125 



Let 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 2^1 

Let US now recapitulate the foregoing balances : 

Gained on our European commerce — "~ *~" jC* 35636,504- 

Pedudl the lofs on the tr^ide of our faftories — — 448,9; a 



;C- 3, 127, 596 
Gained on the balance of our colony commerce — — 261,291 



Net balance gained on the trade of England — ~ £> ^A^^t^'^J 

et balance j^ained on the .'rade 
to an average of 177X — 2 — 3 



Net balance j^ained on the rrade of Scotland, according 7 

__ f 435j957 



Net gain on the Britifh con^merce in 1771-— 2— 3 — £. 3,884,844. 

Ditto — — —-in 1792 — — S>776,6i5 



Of an extenfive building, we vainly attempt to 
form an accurate judgment of the proportion of 
the parts, or the beauty of the whole, without 
meafuring the fize of the column?, and examining 
the congruity of the refuit, by the fuitablenefs of 
every dimenfion. Of the BritiQi commerce, fo 
luxuriant in its fhoots, and fo interwoven in its 
branches, it is equally impoflible to difcover the 
total, or relative, produds, without calculating the 
gain, or lofs, that ultimately refults to the nation, 
from every market. Thus, in the foregoing ftate- 
ment, we perceive, v/hich of our European cuf- 
tomers pay us a balance, favourable and conftant ; 
which of them are fom.etimes our debtors, and at 
other times our creditors; which of them conti- 
nually draw an unfavourable balance from us; 
and, by oppofing the averages of the profits, and 
lolTes, of every annual adventure to each other, 
we at length difcover, from the refuit, the vaft 
amount of our gains. The mercantile tranfaftions. 
^t oyr fadories in Africa, and Afia, were Hated 

againll 



252 AN ESTIAfATE OF 

againil each other, becaufe they feemed to be of 
a fimilar nature. B-ut, whether we ought to con- 
fider the balance of ^,448.912 as abfolutely loil^ 
muil depend on the elTential circumilance, whether 
we confume at home the merchandises of the 
Eafl:, or by exporting them for the confumption of 
flrangers, we draw back, with ioterefi:, what we had 
only advanced : iliould the nation prefer the beau- 
tiful manufactures of the Indian to her own, we 
ought to regard her prudence as on a level with 
the indifcretion of the milliner, who adorns her 
own perfon with the gaudy attire, v^^hich flie had 
prepared, for the ornament of the great, and the gay. 
Our former colonies were ilated againfh each other, 
in order to fhew the relative advantage of each, 
as well as the real importance of the whole. Of 
the valuable produds imiported from them, which 
feern^to form fo great a balance againft the nation, 
we ought to obferve, that they are either gainful^ 
or difadvantageous, as we apply them : we gain 
by the tobacco, the fugars, the fpirits, the drugs, 
the dyeing-v^oods, which we re-export to our neigh- 
bours : we lofe by what we unneceffarily waflie. 

The colony -^v^ar has added greatly to our an- 
cient ftock of experience, by exhibiting the ftate 
of our commerce, in various lights, as it was forced 
into different channels. The balance of trade has 
thence afTumed a new appearance, as it is fliewn 
by the cuftom-houfe books. While the exports 
were depreiied f3r a time, as they had been ftili 
more by former wars, the imports rofc in th^ 
4 fame 



THli: 


STRENGTH OF 


b. BRITAIN. 253 


fame propor 


tion. 


The valu( 


I of both, from Eng- 


land, was^ 










> 




Exports. 




Imports. 


In 17S1 


~ 


;^.io,569iiS7 


^ 


;^.ii,9i8,99i 


8s 


— . 


i2>3S5'75o 


— 


0,532,607 


83 


— 


13,851.671 


— 


12,114,644 


84 


— 


i4,'7i»375 


--. 


145119,166 


89 


— 


18,843,221 


^ 


16,408,140 


90 


— . 


18,884,716 


— 


i7>44-2,44S 


91 


— 


2J,43S-459 


— 


I7,688,i5z 


92 


— 


^3,674,316 


— 


17,897,700 



The number of (hips, which, during thofe years.^ 
entered inwards, have alfo increafed fully equal to 
the augmented value of cargoes. But, were wd 
to form a judgment of the balance of trade by 
the difference^ which thus appears from thecuftom- 
houfc books, we fliould be led to manifeil error. 
Let us take the year 1784 for an example. Thus 
ftood 

Exports. Imports. Balance, 

The Eaft-India trade — ■ £, 7309858 — ^.2,996,548 — £, 2,265,690 
The Weft-India trade — 1,160,070 — ■ 3j372>785 — 2,212,715 
The Greenland trade — — 54>o5o — • 54>QSo 



;C. 1,890,928 — . ^.6,423,383 •— >C-4»53i)455 

Yet, thefe ^.4,5325455, coniifting .of the im- 
portations fi"om our fadtories, our colonies, and 
fidiery, create no legitimate balance, however much 
this vaft fum may dedud from the apparent ba- 
ianoe of the cuftorn-houfe account. The fame 
ilatement, and the fame obfervation,- may be made 
with regard to the trade of Scotland. To this 
may be added, a melancholy truth, that we have 
kfl the export of corn, to the annual value of a*. 

million^ 



54 ^N ESTIMATE 0^ 

million, which is faid to be owing rather to an ift^ 
creaie of people, than to a decline of agriculture^ 
and which p^afTed with fo niuch advantage into 
the balance of 1749 — 50 — 51. In years of, fear- 
city> we now import large quantities of corn ; and 
when fo great a fum is taken froir the one fcale, 
and thrown into the other, the difference on the 
apparent balance mufl neceifariiy be iirrnenfe. 

Of the truth of thefe reafonings, and of thofe 
fads, the general exchanges, which are univerfaily 
admitted to have been, for fome years, extremely 
favourable to great Britain, are a fuihcient con- 
firmation. When there exifcs no diforder in the 
coin, the exchange is no bad tefl, though it is not 
an abfolute proof, on which lide the balance of 
payments turns, wdiether againft a commercial 
country, or for it. The vaft importations of fo- 
reign coin and bullion, iince the eiiabiilliment of 
peace, prove how much, and how generally, the 
exchanges have run in favour of this enterprifing 
nation. And the price of bullion, which, during 
this period, has been much lower than had ever 
been known, leads us to infer, that the extent of' 
thofe importations has been proportionally greats 

In confidering the balance of trade, it is to be 
lamented, that we cannot obtain, from the ton- 
nage of \*efrels, entering inwards^ the fame fatis- 
fadory information, as we have already gained 
from the numbers of fhipping, which, having car- 
cried out the merchandizes, were brought as a 
confirmation of the value of exported cargoes ; 

for, 



tHE StREfilGTH OF G. BlliTAIN. Sj^ 

for, the materials of manufadure being much 
bulkier than the manufadures themfelves, require 
a greater number of tranfports. It may, however, 
give a new view of an engaging fubjed, to fee 
the tonnage of vefTels, which entered inwards at 
different periods, compared with the fuppofed ba^ 
lance of trade. 

709.— Ships entered Inwards. 
Tons Eng. Do foreign. Total- 
89,298 — 33,901 — 123,199 
Favourable balance of ton- 
nage ------ 166,119 



Ships cleared Outwards.* 
Tons Eng. Do foreign. Total. 
243j^93 — 45*625 — 289,3x8 



289,318 



289,31s 

Balance of merchandize • 

feiit out, excl'afive of 

bullion - - - ^.1,407,764. 



Ships cleared Outwards. — 17 18. — Ships entered Inwards. 



Tons Eng. Do foreign. Total. 
427,96^ — 16,809 •"" 444)771 



444^771 



tJnfavourable balance of 

merchandize fent oiity 
exclufive of bullion - ^T. 308,000 



Tons Eng. D^ foreign. TotaL 

353.'^7i — i5>5i7 — 369>3S^ 
Favourable balance of ton- 
nage ----,-. 75,38j 



444;77I 



Ships cleared Outwards. — i737.-^Ships entered Inward?. 



Tons Eiig. D° foreign. Total. 
476,941 — 26,627 -*• 503,568 



503,568 



Tons Eng. D" foreign Total. 
374)593 -" 45*409 —420,002; 
Favourable balance of ton- 
nage -,---- 83>5^^ 



503,568 
Balance of merchandize 
fent oxtt, exclufive of 
bullion - - - - ,C-3>^°2;705 



Ships 



iJ6 



AN ESTIMATE OF 



Ships cleared Outwards. — 175 1-2-3. — Ships entered Inwards 

Tons En g. D^ foreign. Total. | Tons ^Zng. D^ foieig'.' • '■ I 
612,4.85 —i 42,593 — 655,078 ] 4S5'^9i — 61.30^ — , 

Favourable balance of ton- 
nage ------ fjb-oA 



655^075 



655.078 

Balance of rherchandize — — ^ 

fent out, exclufive of 

bullion - - - - ;C-3'97^>727 



^hips cleared Outwards.— -177 1-2-3.— Ships entered Inwards; 

Tons Eng. D<5 foreign. Total. 
6oS,o66 — izi, 870 — 731,936 
Favourable balance of ton- 
nage ..----_ 43,088 



Tons Eng. D° foreign. Total. 
711,730 — 63,294 — 775,024 



775>"24 



775,024 

I Balance of mtrcbandlze ' 

fent out, exclufive of 
bullion - - - -i;.3, 512,85s 



Ships cleared Outwards. — 1784..— Ships entered Inwards. 



Tons Eng. D° foreign. Total. 
%6,355 — 113,064 — 959>4i9 
iJnfavourable balance — 67,008 



1,026,427 

Balance of merchandize - — " 

fent dut .--.£. 5 2,, 209 



Tons Eng. Do foreign. Total, 
$69,259 — 157,168 — 1,026,427 



1,026,427 



Ships cleared Outwards.— 1790- 1-2. — Ships entered Inward?, 



Tons Eng. D*' foreign. Total, 
i, 320,979 — 163,778 — i,493>757 
Uufavoarabie balance — 41,827 



I,53?,SS4 



Tons Eng. Do foreign. Total. 
1,250,741 — 284,843 — 1,535,584 

Balance of merchandize — 

fent out, exclufive of 

bullion - - - -/.3,655>397 



From 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. t^y 

From the foregoing fads, men will probably 
draw their inferences, with regard to our debility, 
and decline, or to our heaithfulnefs, and advance- 
ment, according to their ufual modes of thinking, to 
their accufbomed gloominefs, or hilarity, of mind, 
or to the efFufions of the company, which they 
commonly keep. One party, taking it for granted, 
amid their anxieties, that the national commerce, 
domeftic and foreign, is in the lafh ftage of a con- 
lumption, may poffibly attribute a fuppofed idlenefs, 
and inattention, to the exceffive luxury, in kind the 
mod pernicious, in extent the mod extravagant^, 
which deeply pervade every order : the other party, 
directed in their inquiries by an habitual cheerful- 
nefs, may perhaps determine, from the buf)^ occu- 
pations, which they fee in the fnop, and the field, as 
to our activity and attention, the natural forerun- 
ners of profperity, and acquifition ; thinking that 
they perceive, in the heavy loaded fhips, as they 
arrive, the materials of a manufa(5lure, extenfive and 
increafing. If any one wifh for the aid of experi- 
ence, in fixing his judgment, he need only examine 
the affairs of the American States, and of Ireland, 
daring the effluxion of the lad hundred years. A 
great balance of trade dood condantly againd both 
thofe countries ; yet, both have more than trebled 
the num.bers of their people, the amount of their 
produ(5tive labour, the value of their exported mer- 
chandize, and the extent of their real Vv^eaUh. Fa^ 
Jias, at length, interpofed to give certainty to doubt; 
and demonjiration has arrived to difpel gloominefs, 
and to drengthen hope. The late Infpedor-Ge- 

S neral 



2-5 S- AN ESTIMATE OF 

neral of the Cuftoms, Mr. Irving, whofe ferviCes^ 
ta the public will not foon be forgotten; and 
who, indeed^ ought never to be mentioned but 
with praife ; fhated to the Committee of vSecrecy of 
the Houfe of Lords, from the details before him^ 
that our balance of trade, according to a four-years 
average, ended in January 1796, amounted to tew 
milliom,Vid a Iialf^ ytd,v\j ', including, indeed, four 
miUion, as the annual profits of our Eaft, and Weft, 
India trades ; and fuppoiing, that the value of Bri- 
tifli manufadures exported, exceeded the Cuftom- 
houfe value, about thirty per cent. — But, it haSy 
lince, been afcertained, by the duties colled:ed under 
the convoy a6i:, that the value of Britifti manufac- 
tures exported, exceed the Cuftom-houfe value by 
forty per cent. 

From the balance of trade, which, as an intereft- 
ing fubjedi, feemed to merit ample difcufiion, it is 
proper to advert to the column of cuftoms^ in the 
chronological table ; becaufe we may derive a fup- 
plemental proof of the fuccefiive increafe of our 
trade, of our commercial knowledge, and of our 
real opulence, Thefe duties had their commence- 
ment from the adl of tonnage and poundage, at the 
Reiioration, when the whole cuftoms did not much 
exceGd ^.400,000. This law, which impofed t^per 
cent, of the value on goods exported, as well as on 
goods imported, on dornejlic niamfa^inres, as well as 
on foreign merchandizes ; and which laid particular 
taxes on our ozvn zvoollens, and double taxes on all 
goods, wheflfent out by aliens; was furely framed 
by no very judicious plan, though two and a half 

per 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 259 

per cent. oF the value were allowed to be drawn back 
on goods that, having been imported, Iliould be 
lent out in a twelvemonth. The publications of 
Mun, of Fortrey, and of Child, foon after the Re- 
ftoration, difFaied more univerfai acquaintance with 
commercial leg-iflation. The alien duties on the 
export of native commodities, and domeftic manu- 
factures, were judiciouHy repealed, ih 1673. The 
taxes on the exportation of woollens, of corn, meal, 
and bread, were happily removed in 1700. Yet, it 
was not till 1722, that, on a fyfhematic confideratioa 
of the burdens, which obftrucled trade, all duties 
on the export of Britifli manufactures were with- 
drawn, except on a few articles, which, being re- 
garded as materials, ^tXQ ftill to be fent to rival na- 
tions with difcouragemients. Thefe meliorations 
were doubtlefs confiderable incentives to exporta- 
tion, by enabling the merchants to fend the goods 
fo much cheaper to market. But, the imports were 
difcouraged then, and have been fucceHively bur- 
dened with new fublklies, and additional duties, till 
the nett revenue of cufcoms, after various improve- 
ments, fwelled to ;^. 4,02 7,230, in 1792*, and to 

•"■ When the eye is thrown over the column of Cuftoms, in 
the Chionological Table, efpecially fmce the year 1785, it im- 
mediately perceives inequalities, in the produce of particular 
years, v/hich were owing to particular caufes. Sufpended du- 
ties, which were due from the Eaillndia Company, in the years 
1782, and 1783, were paid in 1785, and in 1786. The regula- 
tions of w/W, which took place on the 5th of July 1786, and 
on tobacco, the loth of Odober 1789, made great changes in 

s 2 the 



^6o AM ESTIMATE OF 

£' 7^S3^y355> fince, in the progrefs of war, and ta3t> 
ation. 

The column of coinage was introduced, in the 
laft place, as its proper flation ; becaufe the increafe 
of coins, by means of the operations of the mint, 
arife generally from the profits of commerce, at 
leaft from the demand of circulation : and of con- 
fequence, the quantity of circulating money mufliy 
in every country, be in proportion, nearly, to the 
extent of bufinefs, or frequency of transfers. The 
fears of men, with regard to a wrong balance of 
trade, have not been, at any time, greater than the 
continual dread of a total deprivation of our coins. 
And both have produced a numerous clafs of 
writers, who have pubhfhed their theories, not fo 
much, perhaps, to enlighten the world, as to give 
vent to their lamentations. 

While the rents of the land were paid in its pro- 
dudls ; v/hile the freemen contributed perfonal fer- 
vice, infiead of a fpecified tax ; and while the arts 
had not yet been divided into their clalfes, there 
would be little ufe for the convenient meafure of 
coins. The converfion of almoft every fervice^, 
and duty, into a payment of money, marks a confi- 
derable change, in our domeftic affairs. And in 
proportion, as refinement gained ground of rude- 

the cuftoms. And, by the Confolidation-Ad^ which com- 
menced in 1787, a confiderable advantage was gained for the 
revenue of cuHoms, as well as for the promotion of trade, hy 
the beneficial arrangements of the duties. The increafe of the 
cuiloms is, in other refpeds, to be attributed to the augmenta- 
tion of commerce, and to the prevention of fmuggling, and 
alfo, to additional taxes, during the late war* 
■ -■ >j nefe^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. c6l 

aefsj as induflry prevailed over idlenefs, as manu- 
fadure found its way into the nation, and as com- 
merce extended its operations, and its influence, 
coins mull have become more numerous, in the 
fubfequent ages ; becaufe they were more neceflary. 
From the happy acceflion of Elizabeth, we may 
trace with fufficient certainty the progrefs^ and ex- 
tent, of our public coinage. 

Coined by Queen Elizabeth, iacluiling the debafed filver of the three 
preceding reigns — • in gold — ^, i,2oo,oco 

in filver — • 4,637,932 

By King James — — . in gold — ^. 800,000 
in filver — 1,700,000 

•• • — — £» 3,500,000 

Sy Charles L — ■-. jn gold — £. 1,723,000 

in filver —. 8,776,54,4. 

jBy the Parliament and Cromwell, in fUvcr — — 1,000,000 



Total coined, during a century, 

from J 5 58, to 1659", -^ in gold — £. 3,723,000 
in filver — 16,109,476 

-r~ ^. i9,S 32,476 



Coined by Charles II. — . — jC» 7>5M>to5 

by James II. — -— *j737»637 

''X-Jo>^6 1,74a 

by William III. (including the re-coinage) — c 10,511,963 

by Anne — — — ^l 2,691,626 

by George L — — —e 8,725,921 

by George 11/ from 17267 in gold —j^.ii, 662,216 
;o 1760 Jiniilver^- 304,360 

;C-".9665 576 



Total coined during a century, from 1^5910 1760 — >C-44>i57>35^S 

Coined by George III.* before the 7 in gold — ;C-30>457>8o5 
ift January ,1785 — ^ in filver— 7>i26 

;C.30464j93I 



Coined from the ift January 1785, 7 in gold -^;C'33>3IIj'^34 
to the 3 111: December 1802 3 in filver— 56,474 

— '■ •/-33»368,3o8 



The Total, In the prefent reign — ;C^3>23*>236 

* And. Com. vol. u. p. 105. > Ralph Hift. vol. i. p. 1078. « Camp- 
|jel;l's S»rvey. ^ Ibid, ® Ibid. ^ Tower Records. S Mint account. 

^3 It 



262 AN ESTIMATE OF 

It did not, however, efcape the penetration of 
Davenant, or perhaps the fagacity of preceding 
writers, — ^"^ that all tins money was not co-exijiing at 
any one time :" and he, therefore, endeavoured, with 
his ufual induftr)^ to afcertain the probable amount 
of our circulation, or the number of our couis, 
during every period, to which either his conje^iure, 
or his calculation, could reach. 



In 160C, as he ftates*, there probabl-/ exifted, 

in gold ^.f, 500,000 
iiifilver 2, coc.ooo 



£^ 4,000,000 



luh'uh '■vere the tools, faid he, ivr Jxid to i>j,ik 
ivith, -ivhifi 1VS jirfi began to mAe. a Jig-^re in the 
coiHiriei cial luorld, 
Jn i66c, there were only, in all likelihood, co-ex- •' 

iiling, of '• e;y preceding coinage, — _^. 14,000,000. 

Sir W:lli:ia;; Pciry f, who lived nearer the 
time, and had better inforinacion, aliens, 
*« that the re-coinage at the h-ippy Refti)ra- 
tion amounted to £, 5,600,600 ; vvl\ereby it 
is probable (fome alUiwance being given for 
lioarded money) that the whole cafli of Eng- 
land vyas tiien about — -" £■ 6,000,000 j 
which, he conceiyed, was fufficient to drive 
the trade of England." 

And, a connderation of the progrefe of our com- 
merce, from 1600 to 1660, as v/eil as the extent 
of our mercantile tranfadions, will enable us to de- 
cide^ which of the calculators was rnoft accurate in 
his ftatement, and mofl: fat isfa dory in his inference. 
Sir Jofiah Child indeed remarked, in 1665 j, " that 
all forts of men comfAainmuch of the fear city of money -^ 

* Whit. edit. vol. i. p. 564. 

t Pol. Arith. p. 278. 

J And, Com. vpl. ii. p. 142. 

yet. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 263 

*}xt, that men did complain as much of a fcarcity of 
inoney, ever fince 1 knew the world ; for, t/ial this 
humour of complaining proceeds from the frailty of 
our natures^ it -being natural for mankind to com- 
plain of the prelent, and to commend the times 
pafl.** That experienced merchant attributed ^^ the 
pr effing ne^efftty for money ^ fo vifihle throughout the 
kingdom^ to the trade of bankering^ which obflru6ts 
circulation, and advances ufury." And, from 
Child's State of the Nation, during feveral years, 
fubfequent to the Iteftoration, we may infer, that 
Petty was nearer the truth, in his reprefentationj> 
than Davenant, 

If the amount of our traffic, foreign and domef- 
tlc, doubled in the adive period, between fne Re- 
ftoration and the Revolution, we aught from that 
circumftance to conclude, that the quantity of cir- 
culating coin ought to have been in the propgrtian 
of fix to twelve ; confequcntly, 
If there had been, in 1660 - - £- 6,000,000, 
There ought to have been in 1 6 8 8 1 2,^00,000 : 
Yet, after a variety o-f conjeElures 

and calculations^ Davenant ftates* 

it at ------- ^ :S 8,500,000 ; 

which, he infifted, was altogether neceflary for car- 
rying on our foreign, and domeftic, traffic. But, 
the refult of thofe conjedures, and of thofe calcu- 
lations, derives little fupport, and lefs authenticity, 
|rom the fadls before-mentioned \ which fhewed, 
* Whit. edit. vol. j, p. 367. 

s 4 . ihat 



264 AN ESTIMATE OF 

that a country, which, for fo many years paid con- 
iiderable balances to the world, could not abound 
in coins. And there was a circumftance of ftill 
greater weight, that feems to have been little at- 
tended to by hiflorians, or by theoriflis : a rife in 
the intereft of money evinces a fcarcity of fpecie i 
at leafh it demonfhrates, that the fupply is not fuf- 
ficient for every demand. The natural interefl: of 
money was eight per cent, from 1624 to 1645; 
and it from this year gradually fell to fix per cent. 
before the Refloration ; (o that the Parliament were 
enabled;, in 1650, to fix by ordinance the legal inter^ 
eft at fix per cent * ; which was confirmed by fta- 
tute at the Reftoration f . But, the natural interefl 
of money gradually rofe again, from fix -per cent, in 
J 660, to feven pounds fix fhillings and fix-pence in 
1690 ; and from this year to feven pounds ten fhil^ 
lings per cent, before the peace of Ryfwick. From 
1697, ^^^ natural intereft of money gradually funk, 
before the year 1706, to fix per cent. ; and continu- 
ing to fall, the Parliament were, thereby, induced 
[1713] to fix, by ftatute, the /^^.^/ intereft at five j>fr 
cent. Yet, 

In 171 15 Davenant ftates, ^^ that there might be of 
gold and ftlver coin in beitig,'^ to the 
amount of - - - j^. 12,000,000 

In 1688, he had already found - 18,500,000 

Pecreafe in three-and-twenty years (^, 6,500,000 

• And. Com. vol. ii. p. 85* 
f 12 Ch, II. c. 13' 

It 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAm. 265 

It is highly probable, however, that the value of 
Ihe circulating coins might amount to^T. i2,ooopoo 
in 1 7 1 1. The gradual advance of our domeftic in- 
duftry, and foreign traftlc, the reform of the filver 
coin, the confequent augmentation of taxes, and 
circulation^ the greater credit, botli public and pri- 
vate, the finking of the /w/z/t^/ inlereft of money; 
all demonftrate the impoffibility of any diminution 
of our coins, during the period, from the Revolu- 
tion to the year 171 1. Anderfon*, having given 
his fuffrage to Davenant's ftatement of 171 1, fays, 
^' that we may reafonably conclude, as our trade is 
confiderably increafed in fifty-one years, the gold 
and hlver actually exifling in Britain [1762] can- 
not be lefs than - - - ;£- 1 65OOO5O00 :'* 

And vv^e m^ay fairly mftr, from the 
reafonings of Anderfon, that the 
gold and filver coins a<5tually 
exifling now [1786] amount to 
upwards of - - - _£. 24,000,000. 



We have feen, during the prefent reign, an ex- 
traordinary augmentation of our manufadures, and 
our trade, a quicker transfer of property, a vafl cre- 
dit, a productive revenue, an unexampled demand 
at the mint for its coins ; which all evince a greater 
life for money; and, confequently, a proportional 
fupply. Speculation has been adually confirmed 
l)f fads, and experience. When, by an admirable 

^ pommerce, vpl. ii. p. 105. 

operation^ 



5,6.6 AN ESTIMATE OF 

Operation, a falutary reform was made of the gold 
coin, there appeared, in confequence of that mea- 
fure, a much greater quantity of circulating fpecie, 
than fpeculifts had fuppofed, in oppofition to expe- 
rience. 

The three proclamations— of 1773 — of 1774-— 
and 1776, brought in, of defedive gold coin, 
the value, in tale, of - - £*'^ 5^5^3^593- 

There, moreover, were thr^e 
feveral fums of foreign gold, 
and light guineas, fent to the 
mint, by the Bank of Eng^ 
land, from the end of 1771, 
to the end of 1777 — ■ 5,200,723. 



The total re-coined — ^T. 20,76^,3 16« 

There remained, in the circle, 
heavy guineas of the former, 
and prefent, reign, light gui- 
neas, which were not brought 
in, and filver — — £. 2,055,765.» 

There alfo were about two mil- 
lions of light guineas fent to 
America during the war, va- 
lued at — — £. 2,000,000. 



^.24,820,079.* 



» Lord Auckland's Letters, p. 215; Mr. Rofe's BriePs Exar 
^ination, iixth edition, App. No, 4. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 267 

Jf, from the amount of the coinage 

of the prefent reign -— — ;f .62,945,866, 
the fum of the re-coinage, at the 

end of 1777, be deduded — 20,764,316; 

we fhall fee, in the refult, the fum, 
which the increafing demand of 
the prefent reign required, at the 
mint, exclufive of the re-coinage ;£.42,i8i,55o. 

It is not eafy to difcover, becaufe proper data 

cannot be readily found, what proportion of the 

coins, which conftltuted, in tale, this vaft balance, 

was afterwards melted, or exported. If one-fourth 

only was withdrawn from the circle of commerce, 

this circumftance alone, when compared with the 

.quantity of money which, in 1777, was adlually 

found in circulation, would demonftrate the exift- 

ence of a greater number of coins ; and, confe- 

.quently, the amount, in tale, of ;r. 3 1,636,1 52, in 

gold, and in filver, about £. 2,250,000, to animate 

.our traffic, in daily uie*. One truth is, however, 

clear, '^ that every community^ which has an equivalent 

to givey may always procure as many of the precious 

metals y wherever, they may exiji, as it wants'^ ; in the 

lame manner as the individual, wdio has labour, or 

any other property, to offer in exchange, may at all 

limes fill his coffers with medals, or with coins. 

* Such was the opinion of the Lords of the Committee of the 
anoft honourable Privy Council, appointed for confidering the 
^alepf the coin. Report, p. 2 — 5, 

Hence, 



26S AN ESTIMATE OF 

Hence, we may conclude with Mr. Hume, and 
with fubfequent writers, on political oeconomy, who 
were equal in judgment to him, that, while we pre- 
ferve our people, our ikill, and our induftr)^, we may 
allow the fpecie to find its own way in the world, 
without any other protedlion, than what is due to 
the juftnefs of our ftandard, in finenefs and weight, 
or any other care, than to give continual notice to 
the credulous, to beware of the tricks of the clip- 
per, the fweater, and the coiner. 

In this manner have I reviewed the Chronological 
Tabky with regard to our Shipping, our Exports, 
the Balance of our Trade, the Revenue of Cuftoms, 
and the fucceffive operations of the Mint. The 
Chronological liable gives, as it were, a bird's-eye 
i?iew of our whole commercial concerns, from the 
Eeftoration to the prefent time, a long and bufy 
period, of domeflic difpute, and foreign war. And, 
the Chronological Table exhibits a retrofpedtive 
mirror of our traffic, and revenue, which reflecls a 
very flattering profpecl of our future profperity, 
with regard to both. We may now addrefs the 
dejpondent with the gaiety of Swift: 

<' Canfl thou take delight in viewing 
This poor ifle's approaching ruin, 
When thy reirofpeSiion vaft 
Sees the glorious ages paft ? 
Happy nation, were we blind^ 
Qr had only eyes behind ! 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 2.$^ 



CHAR XIIL 

T/ie Profperhy of Great Britain from 1783 /i? ^79t* 
— The Ca:fes affigned. — The Eafi India Trade. — 
The Fijheries encouraged. — The New Navigation, 
A5i. — Foreign Treaties, — ManufaBories promoted. 
'^Agriculture encouraged, — A thoufand Laws for 
local Improvements. — Revenue A Sis, — Financial 
Operations, — Their falutary Confequences, 

SO profperous have our affairs been, from the 
ccnclufion of the peace of 1783, to the com- 
mencement of the late war, that curiofity naturally 
deiires to trace up the caufes to their true fources. 
In order to gratify this defire, 1 propofe to run over, 
rather than deveiope, the principal meafureSy which 
have chiefly contributed to raife this nation^ from a 
condition of great defpondency, at the firfr epoch, 
to a ftate of unrivalled profperoufnefs, at the lafl. 
And, 1 (hall arrange thofe mea-fures, ifl:, as they 
tended to promote the private revenue of the peo- 
ple ; and, 2dly, as they were prcpofed to enlarge 
the public revenue of the nation. 

The affairs of the Eaft India company, w^hich, 
like the affairs of the ftate, were no doubt greatly 
deranged, at the re-eflablifnment of peace, in 1784, 
divided our parties, in refpect to the mode of re- 
ftoring them, 

OllF 



2jd AN ESTIMATE Of 

Ourdivifions on this head, were foon fettled by 
feveral ads of parliament *, for regulating, rather 
than fuppreiTmg, the company, for controuling its 
government, rather than deftroying its powers. If 
to thefe laws, we add the Commutation Ad: -f , 
which gave the company great facility in the fale 
of its tea, and the fair trader ilill greater advantages 
over the fmuggler, we fhall have a view fufficiently 
diftind of thofe meafures, which we fliall immedi- 
ately find, produced the happieil efFeds. The 
credit of the company rofe, in proportion as the 
diredors were enabled to fulfil their engagements. 
They divided 8 per cent, to their proprietors ; 
they paid their debts to the public, even fooner, 
than the m.oit ianguine had expeded < and, before 
September 1786, they were able to reduce the 
interefl on their bond-debts, at hcm.e, from 5 per 
cent, to 4, with an avowal, that the creditors, who 
did not choofe to accept of the reduced intereft, 
Ihould be paid the principal of their debts %. The 
value of Britifii goods, which were yearly fent to 
China was, in the year 1792, ^T. 626,000, though 
in 1783 and 84, the amount had only been 

* 24 G. ITI. ch. 34.-26 G. III. ch. 62. 
f 24 G. III. ch. 38. 
X The India Stock was, 

in December 1783, at 120. 

in December 1784, at 127. 

in December 1785, at 155. 

in December 1786, at 166. 

in December 1792^ at 191. 

^ ", C' 1 10,000. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRrtAIN. T.*]! 

£.110,000, The (hipping, which yearly failed to 
China, according to a fix years average, ending with 
1792, carried 17,981 tons, though in the fix years 
ending with 1 783, the annual tonnage of the China 
ihips was only 6,059. And there was a yearly 
increafe, upon the fair importation of teas, of 
12,503,459 pounds* — The whole quantity of flip- 
ping employed annually in the India trade^ accord- 
ing to a fix years average, ending with 1776, 

was, - - - - 12,071 tons, 

D% ending with 1792 - 26,033 

The whole value of BritiOi manufactures ex- 
ported annually to India, according to a fix years 
average, ending with 1774, 

was, - - - ' £' 907^240 

D% ending with 1792 - 1,921,955 



Such was the beneficial refjlt of the feverai mea- 
fures, for regulating the India Company, wdth re- 
gard to our fhipping, and manufadures^ to the 
gains of individuals, and to the revenue of the 
nation ! 

All thefe were equally promoted by the various 

f The annual importation, according to a twelve years aver- 
age, ending with 1784, was - - lib. 5,605,074 
D°, according to a fix years average, ending 

with 1792 - - ' , - " 18,108,533 



The annual augmentation - - lib. 12,503.459 

laws. 



27^ AN ESTIMATE OF 

laws, which were palTed, for encouraging our itati- 
tical Interefls. The home fiflieries were promoted* 
The Greenland fifliery was encouraged. The 
Newfoundland fifliery was regulated. The South- 
whale fiiliery was, in a great meafure, created* 
And, all thefe, owing to the enterprize of our 
traders, and the encouragement of the legislature*, 
were carried to fuch an extent, that they may be 
faid to have fomewhat funk under their own great- 
nefs, as rauft ever happen, when the ultimate de- 
mand for the products i^ not equal to the imme- 
diate fupply. The nautical irtterefts of the country 
Were fo much coniidered, and fo- effectually pro- 
tedled, by the act for the increafe of JJiipting, that 
thisflatute will be for ever regarded, with thankful 
recolleftion, as the great charter of our navigation, 
which created the authentic regifter of our naval 
profperity f. 

Additional erriployment was given to our fhips, 
and our feamen, by means of our treaties with fo- 
reign nations. The commercial agreement with 
Erance, in 1786, opened a wide field for the ad- 
Ventures of our tradei-s. Our conventions with 
Spain, by adding rnqre certainty to our commercial 
enterprizes, in the other hemifphere, gave new oc- 
cupations to our indufirious claiTes at home. Our 
treaties with PruiTia, and with Holland, had their 

» By 26 Geo. III. ch. 41, 45,50, 8i; 27 Geo.III. ch, lo; 
i8 Geo. III. ch. 20. 

t 26 Geo. III. ch. 60; and 26 Oeo. III. ch. 86; and 
27 Geo. IIL ch. 19. 

facilities. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 273 

facilities, which communicated energy to our traf- 
fic*. And, the renewment of our commercial 
treaty with RufTia has added {lability to our com- 
merce, in that country, which before was rather un- 
certain. 

Mean time our feveral manufadlories were greatly 
promoted by the feveral laws, which were made> 
year after year, for their encourage'ment f » 

Agriculture was, at the fame time, incited by the 
various meafures, which were adopted, for giving 
energy, and efFed, to her operations. The forfeited 
eftates in Scotland were reftored J. The crown 
lands were made more ufeful to the individual, and 
the public. The growth of hemp and flax was 
further encouraged §. And, the corn laws, that lay 
in afliate of confufion through many ftatutes, were 
reduced into a fyflem, which had for its end, the 
interefts, properly underfiiood, both of the grower, 
and confumer^. Had thofe laws produced no 
other benefit to the country, than eflablilliing an ef- 
fectual mode, for afcertaining the average price of 

* See the treaties, which are mentioned above, in the Co!- 
leftion of Treaties, that was publifhedby Stockdale, in 1790. 

•f- In the ten years, ending with 1793, there were twenty- 
nine fiatutes paffed, for the encouragement of feveral manufac- 
tures, exclufive of one hundred and fourteen a6ls, for the encou- 
ragement of commerce. See the Statute-book. 

$ 24 Geo. III. ch. 57. 

§ By 26 Geo. III. ch. 43. 

^ 51 Geo. Ill, ch, 30.— .23 Geo, III. ch. 55. 

T corn, 



274 ANESTlMATEOf 

corn, and thereby preventing cauielefs alarm, they 
had merited the praife of moft uieful regulations. 

During the ten fellions, v/hich ended with that 
of 1793, the Parliament, with unexampled dili- 
gence, enabled no fewer than one thoufand^ nine hun- 
dred^ and thirty -four difiinEi fiatiUeSy for promoting-, 
in various ways, the true intereft of the people. Of 
thefe, there were 625 private and 1309 public acts; 
there were twenty-nine, for improving manufadiures; 
one hundred and fourteen, for commercial pur- 
pofes : and, above all, there were fixty-fix, for im- 
proving, and ftrengthening, our conftitutional fyf- 
tem, during a period, when it was fuppofed, that. 
the conflitution, like our negleded manfions, was 
failing faft into ruins, without theflightefl repairs. 

In addition to all thofe laws, for promoting the 
private revenue of tlie people, there pafTed in the 
eight years, ending with 1792, (even hundred and 
fifty Ads of Parliament, for m^aking local improve- 
ments, and domefiic meliorations. Of this remark- 
able fad, here is a curious proof, from the^tatute^ 
book, in the following 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 



275 



Table; fhevving the Number of Acts of Parliament, which 
pafietl, in each of the following Years, for making Roads and 
Bridges, &c. ; Canals and Harbours, &c. ; for Inclofures and 
Draining, Szc; for Paving and other Parochial Improvements. 





1785 
31 


1786 
40 


1787 
30 


1788 

37 


1789 
36 


1790 

30 


1791 
44 


179a 



54 


Total. 


Roads, Bridges, &:c. - 


302 


Canals, Karbours, &c. 


7 


4 


3 


5 


6 


9 


13 


J7 


64 


Inclofures, Draining, &c. 


22 


25 


19 


36 


36 


27 


39 


41 


245 


paving, and other Paro- 7 
chial improvements i 


20 


14 


14 


H 


iS 


20 


20 


^9 


^9 


The Total 


80 


83 


66 


9- 


96 86 '116 


13T 


750 



There is, moreover, a ciafs of ftatutes, which, as 
they at once promote the private revenue of the. 
people, and the public revenue of the nation, are 
of an amphibious nature. Of this kind were the 
ad:s, for regulating, and controuling, the India Com- 
pany. We have feen what an augmentation of 
.{hipping they created , what an increafe of Britifli 
manufactures they fent out , and, in addition to 
thefe commercial benefits, how much they enabled 
the Company to fatisfy their debts to the public *. 
Of this mixed kind alfo was the commutation-acl, 
which, b}^deftroying fmuggling, and facilitating fair 

* Of thofe debts, there were paid in 1785,^.401,118.17. i.; 
iindin 1786, j^. 522,700. 7. 6.} amounting to j/^. 9 2 3. 51 9. 4.. 7. 



T 2 



tia ic. 



iy 6 A N E S T I M AT E O F 

trade, gave rife to a great private cortimerce, while 
it brought a large contribution to the pubUc reve- 
nue*. 

Much of this merit has the confolidation act, 
which facilitates commerce, by its fmiplifications, 
and enriches the public income, by its contribu- 
tions^'. The various a<5ts againfl fmuggling, as far 
as they enlarge fair trade, and make the eftablilhed 
taxes more produclive, are entitled to equal praife. 
The wine ad J, and the tobacco ad §, are both 
entitled to this comm.endation. The various im- 
provements in the poil-oilice, fairly merit, yet 
greater laud. We could have little trade, without 
the pod-office, which, by m.eans of trade, yields a 
vafi: revenue to the nation. As a proof of this, and 
of the great augmentation of our commercial cor- 

* The immediate eifefl of this efHcientmcalure was the legal 
importation of an additional quantity of tea, amounting to 
12,503,459 lb. a year. The collateral confeqnences were, as 
we have feen, a vail export of Britilli mannfadures, and a great 
employment of Bri'dfh {hipping. 

-f Thcfe contributions amounted, in 1792, to ^.75,434; 
exckifive of the benefits, which that a£l did to trade, which are 
to be inferred, from the vail increafe of the imports and ex- 
ports. 

I The increafed quantify of wine imported, in ccnfequcnce 
cf that adl, was 16,694 tons a year, which yielded an increafed 
and net revenue oi£ 290,143. 

§ While this aft promoted the real intereft of the fair trader^ 
it augmented the public revenue at kail £. 154^000 a year. 

refpondence. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 277 

refpondence, fee the fubjoined ftatement of the grofs 
revenue of the poft-ofiice, in the following years, 
ending on the 

5 April 1786 -^^.471, 176 — 5 April 1787 - ^474>347 

D« - 1788 - 509,131 — D° - 1789 - 5i4'53^' 

D« - 1790 - 533'i98 — D° - ^79^ ' S7S^^79 

D'' - 1792 - 585,432 — D** - 1793 - 607,268 

But, of all the meafures, which have been juft 
defcribed, as of an amphibious nature, the finkirig- 
fund, which began to work, in the three months, 
that ended on the 3ifl: Odober 1786, has pro- 
duced the greatefl facility to individuals, and be- 
nefit to the public : — To individuals, by creating a 
rapid circulation, and plenty of money, for the 
ufes of bufmefs, by railing at once the value of the 
produce of our land and labour, and the price of 
our funds : To the public, by difmcumbering the 
nation, before the ifl of February 1793, of 
;f. 10,109,400; when the linking-fund itfelf had 
increafed to^^. 1,669,582 a year. 

Such were the various means, which were wifely 
adopted, for promoting the revenue of the people, 
fince 1783, either by dire(51: encouragement, or by 
incidental help. Let us now take a flight view of 
the revenue of the nation, during its depreffion, in 
1784; of the meafures, which were adopted for. 
raifing it j and of the refult, during its exaltation,' 
T 3 though 



ZjS AN ESTIMATE OF 

though the retrofped feldom affords the pleafures 
of the profpedt. 

There was, at that epoch, a vaft unfunded debt 
of nine-and-twenty milHons, which prelfed down 
the value of the public funds, and even prevented 
the produdivenefs of the national income. 

The yearly interefl of the funded debt, on the 

5th Jan. 1784, was — — r — ^.8,000,284 

The yearly interefl of exchequer bills was — 260,000 

The annual charges on the aggregate fund, and 

the appropriated duties, were — — 1,040,000 

The ufual eftablifhments were about — 4,000,000 

The total to be provided for — X''3»30<^>,284 

For the difcharge of this great fum, there 
was only the permanent income, on the 
5th of Jan. 1784, amounting to — £. 9,671,206 

The annual land and malt taxes about 2,560,000 

— — 12,231,206 

The total of the annual deficiency in 1784—^^.1,069,078 

Such was nearly the ftate of the national account 
of expenditure, and income, during the unpropi- 
tious period of 1784, while the unfunded debt de- 
prelTed the whole fyflem of our funds, and credit* ! 

The fame means, winch were, at that epoch, em- 
ployed to deprefs the nation, eventually promoted 

* The three per cent, confols, which had rifen to 69, in March, 
1783, fell to 54|- but rofe to 58, in 1784, and fludlaated nearly 
at that fate till J ulyy 1785. 

its 



THE STRENGTH OF O. BRITAIN. 279 

its falvation. So much was faid of the runi of 
the country, that the country was ahnofc perfuaded, 
that it was indeed on the verge of ruin. Yet, 
when the nation was, by thofe means, convinced, 
that effedual meafures were neceliary, the buiinefs 
of faving it, was more than half achieved. 

The mofh efficient meaiure, fur obtaining this 
great end, was to fund, in the years 1784, and 
1785, the floating debts of the navy, of the vidlu- 
alling, and of the ordnance, departments, to fo great 
an amount, as to require taxes, which pioduced 
/ 938,000, for paying the interefl:. • At the fame 
time, that new taxes were impofed, fyfbematic mea- 
fures were effedually purfued, for improving the 
colledion of the old, which is ever the beft oeco- 
nomy. Some of the laws, for that falutary pur- 
pofe, have been already noticed. The fmuggling- 
adt, the commutation a6l, and other fimilar laws, 
have been alfo mentioned, as wife meafures, which 
at once promoted the private income of individuals, 
and the public revenue of the nation. And, the 
beneficial effedls evince, that they were attended 
with the moft falutary uonfequences. 



t 4 The 



28o AN ESTIMATE OF 

The beft proof of this may be found in the pub* 
lie accounts of the national income, and expendi- 
ture, during the year 1786 : 

The nett payments into the exche- 
quer;, in the twelvemonth, which 
ended on the 5th Jan. 1786, -;^. 15,397,471 
The expenditure, in this period, was 14,478,181 

The annual furplus of the income*;^. 919,290 



By thofe meafures, the nation was now faved. 
This, alfo, was the epoch of the fmking-fund, 
which carried falvation up to profperity. There 
were other duties added to that furplus of income , 
fo as to make that fund an efficient million a year. 
To this large fum were added fuch annuities for 
years, and lives, as might expire, in the effluxion 
of time. And, to the whole was thrown in fome 
cafual fums, for giving greater effedt to its pro- 
grefiive operations. Such was the linking fund, 
which was, at that epoch, invariably appropriated, 
for buying, quarterly, fuch of the public fecurities, 
as Ihould appear to be mofh depreciated, and 
thereby to offer the beft bargain to the commif- 
fioners, who were appointed to buy them, on behalf 
of the public. Before the firft of Auguft 1794, 
there had been received into this fund, fince its 

* See the report of the feka* committee for examining 

the accounts of the public income and expenditure, giU 
March 1796. 

eftablidimentj 



THt STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 



281 



eflablifhment, ^T. 10,599,265, which were laid out 
by the commiffioners, in purchafing various public 
fecurities, amounting to ^.13,617,895*. This, 
then, was the amount of the national debt, which 
had been by thoie means, paid off, before the firft 
of Auguft 1794. The fum, which was laid out 
for that purpofe, during the preceding quarter, 
amounted to £* 408,363. And, if we were to form 
a judgment, from this great fum, which was thu& 
applied, we might infer, that the fmking-fund had, 
in no long period, nearly doubled itfelf, by the 
produ(ftive operations of compound intcrefl;, with 
fome additional aids. 

This finking-fund not only raifed the price of 
the public fecurities, by creating a conflant de- 
mand for them, but it promoted the induftrious 
purfuits of the people, by keeping circulation full, 
and it thereby made the permanent income more 

* The general average, at which that great capital was 
purchafed, was -jj- per cent. It is curious to obferve the ope- 
rations of the finking -fund, during thofe times, when we en- 
joyed peace, and were thveatened v^ith hcflilities, from the 
prices, which were paid by the commiffioners for the 3 fer 
cent. conToIs, in every quarter. — The £rft quarter, ended on 
the 31(1 of Odober 1786, during which the confols were pur- 
chafed at 77I : The prices fiu(fl;uated, in the following quartern, 
as under : — 



1787. 
Qr. Pr. 

■z ending 3 1 January 74| 
2 .. ... , — 30 April - 76 

4 31 J^''y - 74 

^^ 3i Odober 71I9 



1788. 

QT. Pr. 

6 . 76 


1789. 
'O.73I 


7 . 75-1 
9 -' 74i 


II . 74 

t?..76i 



1790. 1791. 


1792. 


Ctr. FrQr. Pr. 


Or. Pr. 


S4.78 18 . 7o|J2i . 88| 


^5 • 78119 . 797:23 • 9H 


16 . 73-4: 20 . 81^124 i go'. 


17.76^21.88! 


Z5 . 9oi| 



1793^ 

Qj". IV. 
26 . 78I: 

27. 7S' 
z8 . 76I 

-9-75« 



produdivCj 



282 AN ESTIMATE Of 

produdlve, during every fucceffive year. Thus, 

the permanent taxes, produced, in the twelvemonth, 

ending on the 5 th of Jan. 1787 - £'ii,^^J,o^^ 

5th of Jan. 1788 - 12,923,134 



5th of Jan. 1792 - 14,132,000 
5thof Jan. 1793 - 14,284,295 



The whole revenue, in 1783, was l?e/ow the efta- 
blifnment ^f .2,000,000. 

The v/hole revenue, in 1792, was alcove the efta- 
blifliment £.2,031,000*. 

Such, then, was the revenue of the nation, during 
the depreflion, in 1783; the principal meafures, 
which were adopted, for railing it; and fuch was 
the amount of its exaltation; when Great Britain 
was forced into another war, by the dire neceflity of 
unprovoked hoflilities. 

* Th$ Brief Exajnination, p. 5?. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAri;r, a8^' 



CHAP. XIV. 



The Strength of Br ilain in 1793. — From her Popit- 
loufnefs. — From her 'Trade. — From the Numbers of 
her Shipping and Sailors, — From the Magnitude of 
the Royal Navy. — From her Revenue, — The Lojj'es 
of her Trade. — The Bankruptcies of 1793- — The 
fjapfe of the Bank of England, — Our vafi Com- 
merce, — The Improvement of the Country. — The 
Corn Trade, — Finance Operations^ — The Peace, --^ 
The Conclufion. 

THE judicious reader has already determined, 
from the experience of the pad, that the na- 
tion was never more able to engage, in vigorous 
war, than at the great epoch of her profperity, in 
1792. We never had fo many people, nor fo 
many enlightened, and induftrious, people, who 
were ufefully employed ; and who, with augment- 
ed capitals, obtained greater gains. We never ex- 
ported fo great an amount of the produds of out 
land and laboiir ; as the foregoing fads have fliown, 
and the following details will demonftrate-: 

The 



2.84 AN ESTIMATE OP 

The value of Britifh manufadures, which were 
annually exported to the feveral countries, in Eu- 
rope^ except to the Britifh dominions : — 





Six years averare, 


Six vears avei ag-e, 




ending with 1774. 


en. 


.ing, with 1792. 


To Denmark and Norway 


- 


£' 97'034 


-I 


\ 160,131 


To Ruffia - . - 


- 


132,257 


— 


778 oj4 


To Sweden - - . 


- 


22,090 


— 


4J'575 


To the Eafl Country 


- 


62,996 


— 


78,674 


To Germany 


- 


43i'223 


— 


763,160 


To Holland - - - 


- 


741 886 


— 


746,7 '5 


To Flanders 


- 


332,667 


— 


366,054 


To France - - - 


- 


87,164 


— 


7^7>^07 


To Spain and the Canaries 


- 


878,066 


— 


605,055 


To Portugal and Madeira 


- 


578,951 


— 


643^553 


To the Streights and Gibraltar 


136.713 


— 


250,228 


To Italy and Venice 


. 


618,817 


— 


722,221 


To Turkey 


£' 


65,189 
.4.185,053 


£■ 


73^026 




5,466,253 



The value of Britifh manufadures^ which were 
annually exported to the Britifh dominions, in Eu- 
rope: 

Six years average. Six years average, 
ending with 1774. ending with 1792. 

To Ireland - - -^.1,024,231 — ^.1,352,291- 

To the Ifle of Man - - 2,893 — I7»7i7 

To Guernfey, Jerfey, &c. - 36,201 — 73*342 

To Greenland « - 2 — 11 



^.1,063,327 — ;C-J'443»36i 

The 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 28^ 

The value of Britifh manufadlures, which were 
annually exported to all other countries, without 
Europe : — 



Six years average, Six years average, 
ending with 1774. ending with 1 792* 



To the Britifh Colonies in 






America 


-£' 3^0,946 


— £' 697^205 


To the States of America 


2,216,824 


— 2,807,306 


To the Weft Indies 


- 1,209,265 


— 1,845,963 


To the Eaft Indies 


907,240 


— i'92i'955 


To New Holland 


— 


— 3'i79 


To Africa 


449,364 


— 568,663 


To the South Whale Filhery 


— 


— 7S 




^.5,093,639 


^r. 7,844,345 



We never had, at any former period, fo many 
Shipping, either for the ufes of traffic, or war, as at 
the beginning of the late hoftilities ; as the fub- 
joined details will clearly evince : — 

Av. of years. Ships cleared outwards. Val. of Cargoes. 

In 17721 Tons Eng. Tons foreign. Total. 

73? 795'943 - 64,232- 680,175-^.15,613,003 

74J 
178s 7 

%6\ 1,012,899 - 117,471 - 1,130,370 - i7*i23'373 

87! 
17907 

91 J- 1,329,979 - 163,778 - 1,493,757 - 22,585,771 

92 3 



From thefe details, it is fufficiently apparent, that 
we employ upwards of five Inindred and thirty-four 
thoiijand tons of fliipping, more than at the com- 
mencement of the American war \ and export a 

greater 



^S6 AN ESTIMATE OF 

greater value of cargoes, to the vafl amount of 
^.6,972,768. Of our commercial profperity, we 
fliall fmd fupplemental proofs, if we examine the 
grofs income of the poji-office, which has been al- 
ready ftated * ; and which Hiows clearly how com^- 
merce, and revenue, may prom.ote each other. It 
is equally true, that the navigation, and nautical 
llrength, of the country go hand in hand together : 
the mercantile Ihipping maintain our naval militia, 
during peace, and our naval militia proted: the 
mercantile fliipping, in war. The am.ount of both 
will appear in the fubjoined Table; comprehend- 
ing the numbe-r of JJiips, v/ith their tonnage^ and 
men, within every part of the Britifn dominions, in 
ihe foUov^ing years : — 



England - 
Scptbnd - 
Ireland - 
TheCoIonies 
Jerfey - - 
Guernfey - 
Man - - 



The Tot: 





1791. 




1792. 


1793. 


t 


:S!Aps. 


Tons. 


Men, 


1 
! 


Tons, 


1 
Mtn. 


Shipi. 


Tons. 


Mou 


10,423. 
2,104 

1. 1 76 

1,686 
81 


1,168,469 

i6v,486 

60,233 

9^"'»S45 
6,144 
6,629 
2,895 


86,S97 

i3>777 

6,638 

8,290 

649 

48. 

371 


10,633 
2,143 
1.193 

i>745 
91 

97 

177 


i,iS6,6io 

162,274 

69,567 

103,316 

6,851 

7,050 

4.>477 


87,<;69| 
i3,49i| 

6,7301 
8.3^=9! 

728; 

5^3, 
866, 

118,286 


10,779 

2,122 

i,i3i 

1,889 

92 

89 

177 


1,206,778 

160,642 

67,790 

111,204 

6,787 

7>i4?- 

4>J77 


87>393 

13,080 

6,437 
9 .,491 

1,087 
661 
810 


-^sMi 


1,511.401 


117,113 


16,079 


1,540,145 


! 16,-329 


1,^64,520 


ii8,952f 



•* In page 277. 

f The year 1793 contains the (hipping, which were re- 
gifiered between the 30th of September 17^, and the 30th of 
September 1793: the accounts being made up yearly to thole 
dates. The numbers, which appear in the account of 1793, 
as pTize fhips, made free as Britiih, were 661 veiTeis, containing 
9 7,961^ tons. 

Such 



THE StkENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. I87 

Such were the number of (lilps, and failors, 
which, in thofe years, belonged to the merchants, 
within the Britiih dominions , and which;, by proper 
management, may be all converted to the ufes of 
war, if the royal navy were lefs equal to its various 
-objects. 

By examining the following details, we fhall ac- 
quire fufficient information, with regard to the 
comparative ftate of the B.oyal Navy, in the follow- 
ing years : — It confiiled. 







Tons. 


In 1760, of 


— 


300,416 


In 1774, of 




276,046 


In 1792, of 


— 


433.239'^' 


In 1 800, of 




790,950. 



But, the greatefl fleet is of little avail, if we had 
not money to put it in motion. We never had fo 
great a permanent revenue as in 1792. We never 
had fo efficient a fmking-fund, to give energy to 
private gains, and to augment the public income, as 

* The whole Royal Navy was then csmppfed of 



N°. 


Kates. 




Tors. 


7 


— ift 


^ 


15.664 


21 


— 2d 


— 


41,125 


112 


- Sd 


-« 


176,062 


21 


— 4ih 


— 


22,413 


103 


- 5^1^ 


— 


84,115 


42 


— 6th 


— , 


23,330 


192 


— Sloops, &c. 


^ 


70,530 



498 453»«39 

whea 



iSSS AN ESTIMATE OF 

when hoftilities began. By the fimplifi'cation, 
which has been lately introduced into the mode of 
Itating the accounts, the amount of the national in- 
come, and expenditure, in every year, becomes ap- 
parent to every eye, the moment the flatement is 
prefented to parliament. It equally contributes to- 
wards our national ftrength, that an account of the 
produce, which each particular tax yields, is now laid 
before the parliament, in order to (how, which of them 
are productive, and which of them are deficient. 
The appointment of commiffioners, for controuling 
the army accounts, have made all officers more care- 
ful, both of their receipts, and difourfements. The 
eftablifhingof a nev/ board, for examining the pub- 
lic accounts, has induced all perfons, who receive 
public m.oney, to be more attentive, in the expen- 
diture, and more punctual, in their fettlements. 
And, the great example, which has been lately 
.made, of a ftrid enquiry, with regard to " un- 
accounted millions," and the fubfequent repayment 
of many thoufands, has operated as one of the 
refources of the flate, during the late hoftiUties; as 
rigid ceconomy, in private life, is the moil prcduc^ 
tive income. The facility, with which fuppiies 
were found for the late campaigns, is the befl evi- 
dence of the truth of the foregoing pofitions. 

In the midil of the greatefl. prcfperity, which 
this flourifhing nation ever experienced, whether we 
regard the income of individuals, or the revenue of 
the State, enfued, at the end of 1792, Vv^hat was 
denominated, at the time, the " univerfal wreck of 
"^ credit,'* 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 289 

credit," in Britain. The allufion was to the nume- 
rous bankruptcies, which, certainly, happened at 
that grievous epoch. I thought then, as I now 
think, that thofe bankruptcies had no connexion 
wath the beginning of war : and, I ftill think, as I 
tlien declared, that the derangement of our private 
credit was altogether owing to an impeded circula- 
tion^ which is, doubtlefs, a commercial misfortune of 
great magnitude. An inquiry into the caufe of 
thofe bankruptcies will develop fome curious cir- 
cumftances, will afcertain fome important fadis, and 
will inculcate fome ufeful inftrudion. 

At the portal of this inquiry, we iliall find a re- 
mark of Lord Kaim.s, which is the key to this fub- 
jed. He ftatcs it, as a fad, that, from 1694, to 
1744, there were, in Scotland, only thirty-four cejjio 
honorums [bankruptcies;] and, he infers from the 
fad, as a confequence, how languidly trade was 
then carried on. From 1744 to 1771 there have 
been yearly, thrice thirty-four [bankruptcies] ; 
which is a proof, he adds, of the rapid progrefs 
of trade. Everyone, he concludes, is roufed to 
adventure, though every one cannot gain *. Had all 
been like this ! but, alas ! feldom is it, that Lord 
Kaims, with all his celebrity for labour, ftates his 
fads with fo much accuracy, or draws his infer- 
ences with fo much precifion. 

We may fee a fimilar progrefs in the annals of 
our commerce in England. In the infancy of our 

* Sketch of die Hillory of Man, izmo. vol. T. p. 92. 

U traffic, 



290 AN ESTIMATE OF 

traffic, the bcinkrupt was regarded by the law, as a 
criminal, who had defrauded his creditors. When 
commerde began to be more pradiifed, and better 
underftood,, the bankrupt was at length confidered 
by our legiflature, and lawyers, as unfortunate, ra- 
ther than fraudulent. The trade of England, after 
languifliing, in its childhood, for ages, was, even at 
the commencement of this century, only in its in- 
fancy. And, at that epoch, we had fcarcely, in 
England, forty bankruptcies in a twelvemonth. I 
have, in queft of fads, infpeded the London Ga- 
zette, that melancholy chronicle of our commercial 
failures ; and from it have compiled fuch a chrono- 
logical ilatement of annual bankruptcies, as hath 
all the accuracy, that fuch an inquiry eafily admits, 
or truth abfolutely requires. I have thrown it into 
the comprehenfive form of a Table, which is here 
fubjoincd : — 



A TABLE 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 



291 





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Ht-re, 



292 AN E S T I M ATE OF 

Here, let us paufe awhile. — This curious, and 
inftructive. Table furnithes important facts, which 
inculcate uieful inftrudion. It is apparent, from 
thofe facls, that in the exadl proportion, as cur 
traffic increafed, from its infancy to manhood, the 
number of bankruptcies, at every period, bore a juil 
proportion to the amount of our trade, and the fre- 
quency of our commercial dealings. The traders 
continually adventured out upon the uncertain ocean 
of commerce, though they did not all return, with 
happy gales, and equal fuccefs, into port. And, the 
nation, which beheld the ihipwreck of their fortunes, 
grew rich from their enterprizes, while flie pitied 
the unhappinefs of their fate. 

If this T^abk be a faithful mirror of our commer- 
cial misfortunes, we may fee that the commence- 
ment of Queen Anne's war did not greatly incom.- 
mode our traders. The bufile, and bufinefs, of 
her hoftilities appear to have increafed the number 
of bankrupts. The rebellion of 17 15 feems to 
have made none. The South-fea year, 1720, ap- 
pears to have involved our merchants in the burft 
of bubbles, though it was public, rather than pri- 
vate, credit, which was chiefly affected, during this 
unhappy year of projeds. Our bankruptcies now 
regularly increafed with the augmentation of our 
trade. The rebellion of 1 745 overturned none of our 
commercial houfes. The war of 1 756 feems to have 
done a little more mifchief, though that mifchief 
feems to have decreafed, as hoftilities went on. 
The peace of 1763 augmented the number of / 

bankruptcies. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 293 

bankruptcies, though the commercial diilrelTes of 
that period feem to have been more in found, than 
in reahty. With our traffic, and buiinefs, our 
bankruptcies continued to inereafe in number, and 
magnitude. We perceive how many they were 
augmented, during 1772, and 1773, v/hen w/r n'r- 
ciilation was impeded, at a moment of uncommon 
profperity. We fee a fmaller number of bank- 
ruptcies, in 1 78 1, v\dien our trade was the mofh de- 
preiied, during the American war, than in 1772, 
and 1773. The two moft profperous years, which 
this nation ever knew, were 1791, and 1792: 
yet, flrange to tell, the number of our bankruptcies 
was larger than the amount of them in 1781, the 
moft difaftrous year of the American war; fo dif- 
ferent are the informations q{ fa^t from the deduc- 
tions oi theory. 

We might learn from experience, that profperity 
generally leads on to adverfity, as the highefl: health 
is often the forerunner of the worfh difeafes ; the 
chills of ague, or the flames of calenture. We 
perceive, through the feveral months of 1791, and 
{till more in 1792, than there lurked, in our com- 
mercial habit, the predifpofnig caufes of our com- 
mercial-maladies, which broke out into fuch a pa- 
roxyfm, during 1793. Hiftory will record the 
month of November 179a, as a memorable epoch 
in our annals. It was peculiarly unfortunate to our 
•traders. Yet, was it a month propitious to our con- 
ftitution. Whether the apprehenfions of that epoch 
produced any of the numerous bankruptcies of No- 
u 3 vember 



194 -^N ESTIMATE OF 

vember 1792, I pretend not to know. I believe^ 
that ail terrors di (appeared, when the parliament 
was called, the militia were embodied, and, above 
all, when the nation, with an overpowering voice, 
avowed her attachment to the conftitution, and pro- 
mifed her fupport of the laws. 

Oar domefiic quiet was, by thefe means, fcarcely 
fecured, v/hen the French, after various threats, de- 
clared v/ar againfc Great Britain, and Holland, on 
the iirfh of February 8793. The unufual bank- 
ruptcies, in the month of January preceding, can 
hardly be attributed to this fubfequent meafure. 
The firfh bankruptcy, which created lufpicion, from 
its amount, was the failm*e of Donald and Burton, 
on the 15th of February 1793. They were en- 
gaged in the mod uncertain of all traffics ; in the 
trade of corn; in fpeculations on American corn: 
but, they had fufhained no iofs from the war. On 
Tuefday evening, the I9tli of February, the Bank 
of England threw out the paper of Lane, Son, and 
Frafer, who had never recovered the fiiocks of the 
American war. And, next morning, they ftopt 
payment, to the amount of almoft a million of mo- 
ney. This great faihjre involved the fate of feveral 
veiy fubilantial traders. But, none of thofe houfes 
had fuftained any damage from the v/ar. Sufpicion 
was now carried up to alarm ^ and, every merchant, 
and every banker, who was concerned, in the circu- 
lation of negotiable paper, met with unufual ob- 
ilradions, in their daily bufmefs. Yet, it was not 
till the 16th of March, that the long-eflabliihedi 

houfq^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 295 

houfe of Burton, ForbeSjand Gregory, flopt, which 
was followed, on the i8th, by the failure of their 
correfpondents, Caldwell and Company, of Liver- 
pool, to the amount of nearly a million. Still, 
neither of thefe great circulators of paper had iui^- 
tained any lufs from the war. And, as fufpicion 
had been carried up to alarm^ alarm was now mag- 
nified into panic. 

In the midft of this terror, the whole city of Lon- 
don was fi-ightened at t/ie nde of three. It was an eafy 
calculation, by which it was demonfirated, that, if 
one houfe failed for a miUion, ten houfes might fail 
for ten millions. Neither thefe calculators, in their 
clofets, nor thofe traders, in their counting-houfes, 
ever reiie6led, that one bankrupt might pay five 
Pnilline's in the Dound, a fecond ten Hiiliings, a third 
fifteen fliillings, a fourth twenty fliillings, and a fifth 
five-and-twenty fniilings, in the pound. In facl, Ic- 
veral bankers, during that panic terror, paufed in 
their payments, who immediately went on as ufual 
v\fith their bufinefs, and fomie great traders, who 
were obliged to fbop, foon paid twenty fhlliings in 
the pound. Yet, ail this while, we had not felt the 
flroke of an enemy. In this manner, terror created 
diflruff, diftruft impeded circulation, and an im- 
peded circulation is the greatefh misfortune, that 
can afflidl a conmiercial nation. 

Such, then, were the real caufes of our commer- 
cial diftreffes ! And, fuch was the fad termination 
of feven years of the greateft profperity, both public 
and private, which this nation had ever enjoyed I 

u 4 In 



296 AN ESTIMATE OF 

In the midft of this profperity, a bank was erected, 
in every market-town, I was going to fay, in every 
village. The vail bufinefs in the country created 
thefe banks , and thefe banks created, by their fa- 
cilities, vafh bufinefs. The rife in the price of the 
public flocks drew immenfe fums of money from 
the country to London; and the ftill greater rife of 
the public flocks drove vafh fums of money from 
London to the country. Much of this money was 
placed in the country banks, which employed it, in 
fpeculations, to relieve themfelves from this full- 
nefs. But, of fpeculations there is no end. The 
country bankers tried various projects to force a 
greater number of their notes into circulation, than 
the bufmefs of the nation demanded. They de- 
llroyed, by their own imprudence, the credit of 
their own notes, which mufl ever depend on the 
near proportion of the demand to the fupply. The 
country bankers becam.e amibitious of furnifliing 
not only the country, but London, with notes. 
For this purpofe,* many of them iffued notes, op- 
tional, to be paid, in the country, or in London*. 
By thefe means their notes camie oftencr, and in 
greater num.be is, to London, than were welcome, 
in the iliops of London. Thefe notes became dif- 
credited, not only in proportion as the fupply was 
greater than the demand for them, but as the banks 

* By 3. Yiii of Englifh country banks, which I have now be- 
fore ire, containing 279, though not the whole number, it ap- 
pears, that of the 279, no fewer than 204. iffued optional noitSj, 
and of thefe lafl 7 1 ftopt payment, 

8 werQ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 297 

were diftant, and unknown. The proje6ls, and 
arts, by which thefe notes were pufhed into the cir- 
cle of trade, were regarded with a very evil eye by 
thofe, who, in this management, faw great impru^ 
dence, in many, and a little fraudulence, in fome. 
When fufpicion ftalked out to create alarm, and 
alarm ran about to excite panic, more than four 
hundred country banks in England fuftained a 
fhock ; all were fhaken ; upwards of a hundred 
ftopt ; fome of which, however, afterwards went 
on, in their ufual courfe of pundual payments. 

The many which fhopt, the many that paufed, 
all demonftrate how greatly they contributed to our 
commercial mifery. The whole number of coun- 
try banks in England was unknown ; their capitals, 
and charadiers, were unknown : Their imprudence 
only was known, which had already fhaken their 
own credit. And fufpicion fiflened upon all, 
though the event has proved, that they were gene- 
rally more ilable, than had been at firfl fuppofed. 
Yet, few foreign merchants failed. The country 
banks, and country traders, were thofe, who chiefly 
fw^elled the unfortunate number of our monthly 
bankruptcies. And this comparifon is alone fuffi- 
cient to fliow, that the caufe of our commercial 
i»aladies arofe at home, without infedlion from 
abroad ; that it arofe from the fulnefs of peace, 
without the misfortunes of war. 

Happy is it for mankind, that they fee little into 
futurity. Had it been forefeen that, in a few 
months, at the commencement of hoflilities, a 
hundred banks would flop, and in the fame twelve- 
months. 



298 AN ESTIMATE OF 

months, thirteen hundred bankruptcies would hap- 
pen ; the whole nation had trembled to its center. 
Poilerity will fcarcely credit the record of the fads, 
that after fuch a dorm, in three fhort months, our 
confidence, and credit, were refhored. Unufual 
meafures w^ere reforted^ to, in parliament, to pre- 
vent the univerfal wreck of credit. Perhaps the 
parliament thought, with Lord Hardwicke, that, if 
there be no precedent, we will make one. The 
very firfl: emiffion of exchequer bills, however, in 
1696, for fupporting credit, and helping commerce, 
during the recoinage^ w^as a precedent in point*. 
The iiTuing of exchequer bills, in 1793, was an 
uncommon, but a very falutary, meafure. The 
whole nation was fupported, 2ind foothed^ by the ap- 
pointment of commiflioners, for granting aid to pri- 
vate credit, by exchequer bills. There never was 
a meafure, fo little alarming, and fo completely ef- 
fectual, as this immediately proved. Of the 
£, 5,000,000 of exchequer bills, that were allowed, 
the whole number of applications for loans was 332, 
amounting, in all, to the fum. of ;^. 3,855,624. Of 
thefe (applications, 238, amounting to the fum of 
£. 2,202,200, were granted. Of the remaining 94 
applications, 45 for the fuin of £. 1,215,000 v/ere 
withdrawn, or not purfued by the claimants : and 
49 applications, for the fum of ;^. 438,324, were 
rcjefted, either as not coming within the purpofe of 

* Anderfon's Chron. Corr. vol. ii. p. 213. — Ic is worthy of 
remark, that in 1696 there were exchequer-bills ifTued for as 
fmall funis as £. 5. each, which proves that they were intended 
for common ufe. 

thQ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. ERITAIN. 299 

the adl, or on account of the inability of the parties 
to give fatisfaclory fecurity. The whole fum, 
which was advanced on loan, has been repaid with- 
out difficulty, or diftrefs. Of the perfons, who 
were thus affifted, only two became bankrupt. 
Thefe facts prove, that temporary relief was only, 
wanted, and to no great amount. The intereft on 
thofe loans amounted to £. 13,033 : 14 : 65 : the 
expence of the management to ;^. 8,685 : 12: 4: 
and of confequence, there was a clear profit, froni 
one of the happieft, and beft- timed, meafures, 
which the wifdom of government ever adopted, of 
^.4,348: 2: 2j. In fad, the alacrity of parlia- 
ment to fupport the credit of the country was re- 
lief. May 1793 was the epoch of the greateft 
number of bankruptcies. They greatly decreafed, 
in June ; they decreafed fliill more, in July; they 
continued to decreafe, in Augufb ; and in Septem- 
ber, they fell to be nearly on a par with the num- 
bers, in September 1792. The buiinefs was now 
done*. The expedation of relief adually created 

it, 

* I happen to have the following note, which, I believe, is 
fufficiently accurate to ihovv to what parts of the couniry the 
principal relief was granted : 

There were granted to 



Glargcvv 


— 


— 


— 


£' 


319^730 


Leith 


— 


— 


— 




25,750 


Banff 


.— 


— 


— 




4,000 


Perth 


— 


— 


— • 




4,000 


Dundee 


— 


^. 


— . 




16,000 


fldinburgh 


— 


— 


-« 




4,000 


Paliey 


^^ 


— • 


•~. 




31,000 








Qarried 


over*--—- jf. 404,480 












London 



300 AN ESTIMATE O F 

it. And, the wife determination of parliament to 
fupport both public and private credit quieted 
apprehenfions ; and was extremely inflrumental, in 
reftoring mutual confidence ; as it gave traders time 
to recoiled themrelves, and to look for, and ufe 
thofe refources, which are not often wanting to 
merchants of character and property, in times of 
commercial difnculties. 

In Scotland, the commercial difirefs, though 
great, was much lefs, than in England. If fcarcity 
of gold and filver would make diflirefs, Scotland 
ouG;ht to have had her full fliare of diftrefs. Thoudi 
there be fome variety of opinions, as to what really 
is a banking-houje^ in Scotland, it is certain, that the 
a'£l of parliament*, for fuppreiTing optional paper 
and fmall notes, has introduced into her fyf- 
tem, nnce May 1766, a greater circumfpedlion, 
which has prevented much mifchief I. The great 

principle, 

Brought over — ^. 404,483 

London -— — — — — 989,700 

Liverpool, — — — — — 137,020 

Manchefter, — — — — — 246,500 

Brillol — — — — — — 41,500 

Other places — — — — — 310,000 



£. 2,129,200 



* 5 Geo. in. ch. 47. 

f An intelligent friend at Glafgow wrote to me on this fub- 
je61, as follows :— " The diftrefs began to be felt here, in a 
few days after it began in London, in the month of February 
lad: but we had no failures till the 28th of March, wUn the 
banking-houfe of Murdoch^ Robertfon, and Company, were 

made 



THE STRiLNGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 30I 

principle, and various provifions, of this falutary 
law, by converting all paper bills into cafh notes, 
Vvhich are payable, on demand, has been attended 
with the mofl: falutary confequences, 

Scorland was not fo much deranged as England, 
either in her circulation, her manufadiures, her 
trade, or her fhipping, during the year 1793. 
Owmg to a more attentive management, her banks 
were lefs embarralFed. Her circulation being lefs 
checked, its impediments gave fewer interruptions 
to her manufad:ures. And, her trade and (hip- 
ping, being put in motion by dll thefe, were little 
driven from their ufual courfe, during the fl;orm» 
which had almofh wrecked the commerce, and na- 
vigation, of England. Of thefe exhilarating truths, 
the following details furnifh ample proofs, what- 

made bankrupts, for about ^.115,000. This was followed by 
the banking-houfe of A. G. and A. Thompfons, who owed 
about £. 47,000. The firil will pay every Ihillng to their cre- 
ditors ; and it is fuppofed, that the laft will do fo alfo. One 
or two more of the country banks, in the well of Scotland, 
were under temporary difficulties, but made no paufe; and 
having got affiilance they went on; and, as all the other banks 
did, drew in their funds, and leflened their engagements. 
Some of the banks here did certainly continue to difcount fome 
bills, but in a lefs degree than formerly. All of the banks 
were under the neceffity of allowing many of fuch bills, as 
they held io be renenved, at two or three months date, either in. 
whole, or in part, according to circumilances, which, in fad, 
was the fame thing as a new difcount. In this way all our 
banks have been going on to this hour, by making re^icvvals, 
when they could not obtain payment, endeavouring to It&n. 
the amount at every renewal; fo as gradually to draw in their 
funds." 

ever 



3^2 AN ESTIMATE OF 

ever may have been the temporary embarrafT- 
ments : 

Of hnen cloth, there were made for fale, in Scot- 
land, during the years 

Quantity. Value. 

- 19,996,075 yards - ;^. 779,608 

- 18,092,249 — 722,545 

- 1^,739,725 — 755,546 

- 21,065,386 ~ 842,544 

- 20,676,620 — 757>332 



1789 
1790 

1791 
1792 

^193 



There were exported, by fea, from Scotland, 
goods of the value, in 1782 - of - I, 653,709 
in 1786 - of - 914,739 

in 1789 - of - 1,170,076 
in 1792 - of - 1,230,884 
in 1793 - of - 1,024,742 



Perhaps a more accurate view of the trade, and 
fhipping, of Scotland may be feen in the fubjoined 
ftatement, which exhibits the various fhips in their 
feveral employments : 



Year 



1789 
1790 
I79I 

1792 1 

^793 

1802 



Foreign Trade. 
Sliips.j Tons. 



Coaft Trade. 
Ships. Tons. 



7938.1,206,1 958'4f,90i 
--• ^- ""- * 9:047.688 
1,058,51,998 
1,022150,94.0 
i,i43|57'3'8 
1,151165,378 



794 
776 

718 

698 
739 



86,b'2 7 
85,468 
84,027 
80,024 
94,276 



FiOiing Trade. 


Total. 


Ships. 


Tons, 


Ships. 


Tons. 


3S1 


22,798 


2.132 


154.905' 


301 


19,898 


2,105 » 54^409 


■■^HH 


19,632 


2,222:157,098 


37^ 


r9:89o 


2,1161154857 


39? 


17.973 U, 2341155,3151 


603 


25,000 


2,493i 


184,564 



From 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 303 

From the foregoing documents I am now in- 
duced to infer, that the commercial affairs of Scot- 
land were little embarrafled by the impeded circu- 
lation, in 1 793, and ftill lefs by the commencement 
of war. And, from this truth, I am inclined to be- 
lieve that, had not any unufual bankruptcies happen- 
ed in England, during 1793, from the imprudent 
management of country banks, her trade and fliip- 
ping had been little lefiened by fudden hoftilities. 

Happy is it for mankind, that every evil brings 
its own remedy, unlefs imprudence flep in, to ag- 
gravate misfortune, by its reformations. We have 
already derived commercial benefits from our com- 
mercial derangements. Speculators now fee, that 
there are limits, beyond which, they cannot fafely 
pafs. Bankers at length perceive, v;hat indeed re- 
quired not the help of experience, that by ilTuing 
too much paper, they may lofe all. Merchants of 
real capital, and true knowledge, will do more bur 
fmefs to more profitable purpofe, fince traders of 
no capital, and little moderation, have been forced 
to give way. Manufadurers have learned, from 
recent mifery, that there are bounds, both to giving 
and receiving, wages*. Difhruft will be banifhed 

from 

• My commercial correfpondent at Glafgcw, whofe found 
fenfe and genuine veracity, I will warrant, wrote to me on the 
9th of December 1 793 , as follows:— 

<' The truth is, that mofl: of us are of opinion, that the late 
ftagnation has been exeedingiy ufeful to our trade ; and that 
if it does not proceed too far, it will be attended with the moft 

beneiicial 



304 AN ESTIMATE OF 

frGm our iiland, as thofe, who flood the teil of the 
late trials, nmfl, like gold in the furnace, be deemed 
more worthy of confidence. The meafure .of ilTu- 
ing exchequer bills has at once evinced the alacrity 
of parliament to fupport credit, and the good ef- 
fects, which no vaft fum, when prudently applied, 
can produce on the extended furface of general cir- 
culation. And, the whole world has feen with 
wonder, during the feverefl: trials, that the people 
of this nation have vaft property, exclufive of paper^ 
and unbounded refources, without exhaufting their 
ftrength. 

Never was this exhilarating truth more fully ve- 
rified than by the events of fubfequent times. One 
of the greateft of thefe events was the lapse of the 
Bank of England, in February 1797. Panic, and 

beneficial confequences to men of real capita] : For, previous 
thereto, the lales werefo rapid, the returns fo quick, and money 
Co abundant, that much bufmefs was eftablifhed upon little better 
than mere paper Tpeculation, or circulation alone, which is now 
at an end. The wages of our labourers, too, had got to fuch a 
height, that we muft, in all probability, have been gradually 
undermined in foreign markets, by foreign manufaftures ; and, 
if this had once occuried, it would have been much more diffi- 
cult to recover from, than any temporary fhock, like the prefent. 
Befides, thefe high wages occafioned much idknefs and diilipa- 
tion ; and much of the time of our workmen was confequently 
fpent inale-houfes, where they became politicians, and govern- 
ment-mongers, relllefs, and difcontented. Upon the whole, 
therefore, we may fay with truth, that all. which has hitherto 
happened, has been for the beft."— Thefe judicious obfervations 
apply equally to the whole nation. 



an. 



THE kTRENGTli OF G. BRITAIJJ. JOJJ 

hh impeded circulation, had well nigh ruined the 
whole country banks of Great Britain, as we have 
feen, in 1793 i and panick, and an impeded circu- 
lation, o'ccafioned ihzXlnpfe of the Bank of England^ 
m 1797. An inquiry into the affairs of the Bank 
now became neceiTary. That inquiry v>^as mi- 
nutely made by Committees of the tv^^o Houfes of 
Parliament, feparateiy. Every trial of the Bank 
*' only piibliflied her better com.n:iendation." A 
thoufand fadls, and circumfl:ances,v^ere now difclof- 
ed to the world, with regard to the wealth, and cir- 
"culatiori of the Bank, which were before unknown 
to the mofl: intelligent perfons. It appeared, at 
lengthy that the Bank had, undoubtedly, a clear 
furplus of property^ after anfwering all demands^ 
of ;{. 15,137,690. It was now difclofed5 that there 
w^as then in circulation, of Bank notes, the com- 
modious amount of ;f. 11,030,110** As it was 
now apparent, that much of that panick had arifen 
from the artifice of the enemy, the Parliament pro- 
hibited payments, by the Bank, in gold, and fil- 
ver, for a time. The traders immediately came 
out with declarations of confidence. Every one 
now ran to receive Bank notes, as if they had been 
fpecie. Greditj both public, and privatCj was again 
reftored. The fpecie, which had been carried^ by 
fright^ into the country, from. London, was brought; 
back, by credit, from the country, to London. 
During the years 1797* and 1798, there were 

* Lords' Report, Appendix, N^ 10, 

X imported 



306 AN ESTIMATE OF 

imported into this iilandj as a favourable balance^ 
jf. 8,000,000 in bullion. After the failure of fo 
many country banks, and the paufe of the Bank 
of England, to have furniflied fuch vaft fupplies for 
war, and to have engrofled the trade of the worlds 
are proofs of inexhauftible refources. 

If we were now to inquire into the loffes of our 
commerce, during the late hoflilities, with fo many 
nations, it would perhaps be found, that the inter- 
ruptions of circulation, and the derangements of 
credit, inili£ted deeper wounds on our traffic, than 
the redoubled ftrokes of the enemy, which, as every 
war brings fome difcouragement with it,, muft be 
allowed to have made fome defalcations from our 
fliipping, and our traffic. And the apparent lofles 
"of our trade, both from bankruptcy,, and war,, may 
be calculated from the following detail : 

Ships cleared Outwards. Value of Cargoes. 

. Years. Tons Engiifh. D* foreigm Total. £i 



In 1785 



17857 
86 J. 

873 

17907 

92 J 



1,012,899 - 117,471 - 1,130,370 - i7,-^3,37 



[,329,979 - 163,778 - i,493>757 - 22,585*771^ 
1793 1,240,262 - 187,032 - 1,427,294 - 20,738,588. 

• Yet, our general traffic, owing to the vaft force 
of its energies, foon regained its former profperity. 
It preyed upon the trade of the enemy. We may ea- 
fily perceive how much of our commerce we owed to 

prize 



fHE STRENGTH OF G. BRITaIn. 2^7' 

'pTrlze goods, from the following fhatement of the 
Value thereofj which was imported, and exported—^ 

Prize Goods imported. Prize Goods exported. 



In 1793 - 


- £.56d,i24 


~ 


£' 


94 - 


- 1,115,141 


-^ 


Ii3i9,728 


95 - 


877,633 


— - 


896,517 


g6 - 


437'844 


— 


286,631 


97 - 


- 484,45 J 


— 


99i'H2 


^8 - 


582,128 


— 


1,338,344 


99 - 


- 534.874 


— 


1,120,116 


I800 - 


- 683,097 


-— 


1.611,733 



Our enierprize abforbed almoftthe whole commerce 
6f Europe. And, owing alfo to thofe eaufes, our fo- 
reign trade rofe, by an energetic increafe, fl'om the 
depreffion of 1793, amounting to ^T, 20,738,588, to 
its vaft augmentation over the moft profperous^ 
years, amounting to ^.43,152,019, in 1800*. 

If we add to this vaft fum the value of the im- 
ports, in the faiiie year, the whole value o^ our foreign 
trade will appear to be no lefs than £, 73,722,624. 
How to calculate the amount of our domeftic 
trade, I know not : it was always deemed by oitr 
old writers, on trade. Petty and Child, Davenant 
and De Foe, who were as wife as we are, though 
they had not the fdme details, to be more than our 
foreign commerce. 

Thofe fadls exhibit, then, fuch an immenfe trade^ 
as no other country ever enjoyed, in the undifturb- 
ed times of profound peace. If we add to that 

* See the Chronological Table, 

X 2 vajfl: 



308 AN ESTIMATE OP 

vaft traffic, the various profits, which are conneccecJ 
with it ; the gains oi freights * y of the infurances ;^ 
and of agencies ; which were all equally profitable 
to our traders; we mufl greatly enlarge our ideas 
of the vaft gains of our commerce, during the late 
war, which was to exhauft our refources, and to 
ruin our traffic. 

The late war is, glorioufly, diftinguiflied by the 
capture of the enemy*s corfairs, and by the ruin of 
the enemy's fleets. Our (iiipping were never fo 
protedted, or fo fafe, in any former war v owing to- 
thofe caufes, and to the vaftnefs of the bufinefs, 
the infurances w^ere never made,, on fuch reafonable 
terms -j-. When the iieet, which was employed in 

the. 

* Of Britijh Ships, tliere wer^ employed, in Britain, 
Inwards. Outward?. 

Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. 

In 1793 — 9,980 — 1,34.2,952 — 11,175 — 1,240,202 
In 1800 — 10,49.6 — 1,379,807 — 11,868 — 1,445,2.71 

There belonged to Great Britain, of Ships, 

Ships. . Tons. 

In 1793 -- 12,899 1,367,420 

In 1800 — H'3^3 1,628,4.39- 

. f Thz fubjoimd Statement isa fafficient proof : 

Premiums of Insurance from LONDON to 

the Eaft Indies, and China. 

1779 £,6 percent. 1782. 15 Guineas /^r rf«f.- 

1793 ^ January to December, 2/^3 to 3 Guineas; December, 

£. 4 and /. 5 per cent. 
1793 January, ;f.4|a. 5 Guineas; February and March, 8 
*». ' Guineas. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN, 309 

ihe Ruffian trade, was recently detained in the 
.ports of Ruffia, the lofs of the whole was fettled, 

.with 

Guineas; April to Odober, j^. 7 a, 7 Guineas; 0<^o* 
ber, &c,. 6 Guirieas. 

Jamaica, 

i-i-jg With convoy, 7 to 8 Guineas; without, 15 a. 20 
Guineas. 

1782 8, 10, and 15 Guineas with convoy.— .Premiums higheft 
in the beginning of the feafon. 

J792. £*2i per cent, — --1793. January, 3 Guineas; Fe- 
bruary, 5 Guineas, and 7 Guineas ; April, 8 Guineas ; 
June, 4 a. 6 Guineas, with convoy. 

Leward Iflands, 

1775 With convoy 7 a. 8 Guineas, without convoy j6 Gui- 
neas, 

1782 From 8 to 12 Guineas with convoy.— PremiuYns high- 
eft in the iirft part of the feafon. 

1793 _£.2. — 1793. January, 2\ to 3 Guineas; February, 
10 Guineas; March, 5 Guineas, with convoy. 5 
Guineas per cent, the general rate throughout the 
feafon, with convoy, 

Canada. 

1779 With convoy, 10 Guineas; without convoy, 15 Gui- 
neas per cent, 

J782 15 Guineas with convoy.— 1792. _^. 3 to 3 Guineas, 
throughout the feafon^ 

1793 5 to 6 Guineas with convoy. 

American States. 

1782 15 Guineas with convoy, in general, throughout the 

feafon. 
1792 ^,2 in general, -— -*. Ditto, 

X3 1793 



3IO ANESTIMATEOF 

with the facility of the common iois of a fingls 
ihip. This is a tranfadion of which the Infurers 
of Britain may boafb. The facility, and reafon- 
ablenefs, of the Infurances, during the late war^, 
ought to be added to the unufUal profits of that 
gainful period. 

Our trade was not only carried on with an ex- 
traordinary degree of fuccefs, and profit, but, the 
furface of our ifxand was improved with uncom* 
mon ikill, and augmented energy. From the re- 
iltoration of peace, in 1783, till the commence- 
ment of the war, in 1793, domeflic meliorations 
had been carried on, with equal vigour, and fuc- 

,1793 Januai-y,^. 2 ; February 4th to 20tb, 3 Guineas, 4 Gui- 
neas, and 5 Guineas; 23d, 8 Guineas; March, ^ 
Guineas, and 5 Guineas, American fnips only. The 
general ra^e throughput; th^ r?il of the feafon, 3 
guineas. 

The Baltic. 

1779 2§ Guineas with convoy, 5 Guineas without.-;— 1782. 

4 to 5 Guineas with convoy. 

1792 1 Guinea to St. Peteriburg, £. i| to i| to Stettin. 

1793 March, 3 Guineas with convoy to Stettin; 6 Guineas 

v/ithout. 
April 2|- Guinas with convoy to St. Peteriburg ; and 

5 Guineas without. 

July, to St. Peteriburg, 3 Gu,ineas, to return i per 
cent, if witb convoy, which was the general rat^e 
throughout the reft of the feafon. Add to all thofe 
derails what a very eminent Infurer at Lloyd's Cof- 
fee-houfe has written to me, ** that premiums of in- 
*' furarice, in the hte war, have been much lower, than 
^^ th^y were in the American war.'* 

cefs. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 3II 

•cefs. But, during the late war, our domeftic im- 
provemer\ts have bcQui purfued with ftill greater 
.knowledge^ and more ufeful efficacy. We may fee 
proofs of thofe fads, in the fubjoined 



Table; flievving the Number of A6ls of Parliament, which pafTed, dur- 
ing the laie nv^ir for ma-king Roads and Bridges, &c. ; Canals and Hpor 
bpurs, &q. ; for Inclofures and Draining, &c.; fox Paving and other 
Parochial improvements; compaied with the eight preceding years. 



j..,3 


1794 


^795 


1796 


1797 


1798 


i799 


1800 


Total of 8 
Years. 


p® 8 Y) s. 

preceding 


Roads, Bridges, &&. - 


62 


35 


36 


2-1 


39 


41 


49 


5a 


341 


30a 


Canals, Harbours, fcc. 


32 


22 ■ 


13 


18 ' 


14 


7 


10 


16 


132 


64 


Inclofures, Draining, &:c. 


62 


74 


80 


76 


91 


5* 


66 


88 


589 


*45 


Paving, and other Pare- 7 
chial i mp.ro venrvents 3 


15 


5 . 


10 


S 


7 


f 


4 


.6 


62 


»39 


Total 


171 


136 


139 


J 29 '■ 


151 


107 129 


16a 


i,«4 


750 



We thus fee, diiiinclly, that the adtive fpirit of do- 
meftic melioration, which exifted, before the war 
began, continued, with augmented energy, during 
the progrefs of hofiihties. The world will contem- 
plate thisenterprize with wonder. Millions, and tens 
of millions, have been raifed upon the people, for 
carrying on an interefting war, yet they found mo- 
ney, as they had ikill, and induflry, to improve their 
iHand. Great Britain, as it has been more im- 
proved, during the war, is worth more;> at the con- 
clufion of it, than when unprovoked hollilities 

X 4 began. 



312- A N E S 1 I M A T E O r 

began. And, this happy iilc, where, the foot of the 
foe never treads, if it were brought to the hammer^, 
would fell for more, than it would have fetched, at 
any former period, in proportion to its additional 
improvements. 

Yet, what do all thofe improvements of the^ 
country avail, if the people have not vicinal to 
eat ? This quefiion W'ould lead us into the wide, 
and thorny, wildernefs of agricultural reports. But 
though 1 have been, regularly, iumrnoned to con- 
tribute a day's labour, in this unweeded garden, I 
have hitherto been frightened by the toil. I had. 
the honour to receive, fome months ago, a circu-. 
lar letter from the Board of Agriculture^ foliciting 
fuch obfervations, as I might have to make, with 
regard to the bef!: mode of preventing future fear-' 
city. Bur,, my various avocations have hitherto, 
prevented me from eiHiying fo arduous a fubjed. 

I will, however, contribute two, or three truijmsy 
which may induce fome perfonj who has more iei- 
fure, and more iliill, than I can command, to add a 
few more j in the hope, that a regular colle6lion of 
truijms may be formed, on this interefling fubjedf ; 
for, amidft a long continued clamour of contradic- 
tion, I have, fcarcely, found any two perfons, who 
could agree upon any one poiition. 

ifh Truism. There have been ten times more 
agricultural melioration, during the prefent reign^ 
than in any anterior period*. Yet;, is it^, in this 

* The feregcing pages furnifh abi^ndant proofs of that po- 

fition: 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 3I3 

reign, that we appear to hcive loft the export of 
corn. It would be very abiurd logic to maintain, 
that the furface of our iflandj in proportion as it is 
improved, by inclofmg, draining, and by every fort 
pfmanurance, became lefs productive ^ There are 
two fa6ts, which are incontrovertible, and are very 
interefting: ifl. During the iix-and-thirty years, 
which ended with 1800, the furface of our iHand 
was, continually, improved, beyond all former ex- 
ample, and in the laft ten years of this period more, 
than m the firjl t^xi years: adly. With the fame 
iix-and-thirty years, our importation of corn be- 
gan ; and has increafed the moft, towards the con- 
clufion of this long period*. 

2d Truism : During the prefent reign, there 
have been m.ore fkiil, more money, and more effici- 
ent work, employed, in our agriculture, than in any 

iition : but, I will rely on an authority, which will not be dif- 
puted. The report of the Committee of the Houfe of Com-, 
mons, on the wafte lands, Hated, in 1797, 

ATable of the ads of inclofure, with the extent of land in- 
clofed in the following reigns :— 

No. of Ads. No. of Acre^. 

In Q^x^nne's — . ^-. 2 — ,^^^p 

In George I. — -, ,6 _ 17,660 

In George 11. ^ — 226 — 318,778 

In George III. — - — 1,532 — 2,804,197 



* The averages in the corn accounts, printed by the order 
of parliament, on the i4th of November 1800, eftablifh the 
faa, as to the imports ; and the journals of parliament, and 
Ihe ftatute book, as to the improvements. 

former 



314 A N E S T I M A T E O F 

lormer periecl. By a neceflary progrefs, the nation 
Iiad become more knowing, more opulent, and 
more enterprifing. The farmers have been better 
paid, for their pains, in this reign, than in prior 
times*. It would be a very abiurd argument, then, 
to maintain, that our fields produce lefs, as they are 
better cultivated. 

3d Truism : This ifland mud, neceflarily, pror. 
duce more victual, in the prefent reign, than in 
any former period. From more ikill, more ex- 
pence, and more manurance, the appropriate refult 
mufh be more product. He, then, would be aa 
abfurd reaibner, who, from fuch premifes, (hould 
maintain, that more fkill, more expence, and more 
cultivation, mufh neceffarily produce lefs, upon a 
medium of feafons. 

From thofe three truisms, there refults, in my 
judgment, a fourth tndfm, though other perfons 
may think, differently, from me upon the point : 
that all the late firuggle, canvafling, and clamour, 
for a general ad of inclofure, are groundlefs. If 
the country be in a continual courfe of improve- 
ment, and if this progrefs of melioration gather 
energy, as it proceeds, this much-fought-for mea- 
fure is groundlefs, in its policy. If a general inclo- 
fure ad: would divert from profitable employments 
a greater portion of capital, of labour, and of en- 
terprize, than would, otherwife, run into that chan^ 
iiel, fuch an ad would introduce an evil, rather 

* The corn accounts pii'.ited by the faid order of the 14th 
ofNovember^ 18.0. 

than 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 315 

than a good, into our political oeconomy. If all in- 
terefls, however, could be made to concur, there 
feenis to be no other objeAion to a general inclo- 
fure act, except, that the fpirit of improvement 
might ilacken, perhaps, if that obje<fl were obtain- 
ed 5 as laflitude generally follows enjoyment. 

From the foregoing truifms^ I am inclined, 
flrongly, to think, that there is more viBiiaP pro- 
duced, at' prefent, in a bad feafon, than there was, 
formerly, produced in England, and Wales, during 
;a good {^2^,{ovi f. If we throw into the fcale the vafh 

quantity 

* I ufe the good old Englifh word 'vlduaU as it was ufed by 
,Shakerpeare,,and by the parliament, in the reign of CharJeslI, 
in a larger fenfe, than corn^ as ftores for the fupport of life. 

f The greatell: furplus of corn, which was ever fent out of 
this country, was, in the five years, ending with 1754: and 
which amounted to -_.---_ _^. 1,087,594 qrs. 

The quantity of corn, which was imported 
according to an average of the five years of 
fcarcity, ended with 1799, was - - - - 1,190,131 



2,277*725 



Now, that quantity would not fupply the additional number of 
people, which enumeration has, at length, found to be 2,830,000, 
>vho, yearly, confume one quarter each perfon, or 2,830,000 qrs. 
The annual deficiency is no lefs than 552,272 quarters. Mr. 
Dirom argues this quellion, upon the fuppofition, that each 
perfon confumes two quarters ; ift. becaufe he made his eflimate 
not only upon wheat; but, upon oats, rye, barley, malt; 
2ndly. becaufe he included, alfo, the confumption of paftry- 
makers, and Starch-makers, of poultry, pigs, horfes, which are 
3iot ufed in agriculture; and even the brewery and diftillery. 

The 



^|6 AN ESTIMATE OF 

quantity of potatoes, which are now, annually, 
grown, more than there were fifty years ago, the 
balance, willfliow, that there is raifed at prefent, an 
infinitely greater quantity of "vicinal in bad feafons, 
than there was, fifty years ago, raifed, in good 
feafons. 

The duTiculty, and the diftrefs, of late times, did 
not arife from our proditcing lefs,. notwithftanding 
the unfavourable feafops ; but from our conjuming 
more : in good leafons, we produce infinitely more 
victual, than was railed in the prolperous years, 
ending with 1754; perhaps enough, in plentiful 
years, as we may mfer, from the foregoing details : 
but, we confume much more; as we may learri 
front the well-known amount of the imports of 
corn, during recent times. We have 2,830,000 
more people, in England and Wales, at prefent, a^ 
we know, from the late enumeration, than there 
exifled, in the fame countries, at the epoch of the 
bounty on corn, in 1689 • ^^ ^^*^^ confumer ufe at 
leail one quarter a year, then, the general confump- 
tion of fuch perfons muft be 2,830,000 quarters 
of every lort of grain*: and, confequently, more 

than 
The fad is, the above Hatements of the exports, and imports, 
include all forts of grain : and, confequently, the eftimate of 
the confumption ought to include every fort of confumer. 

* The Rev. John Howlett fays, Di/perfony p. u, — "If 
<« thefe additional inhabitants live upon barley, they will eaclt 
■<* require tnvel've bufhels a year, inilead of eight of wheat; if 
■«. upon oats, nearly lixteen bufhels." Mr. Dirom, in his Corn 
Trails, p. 15, fays, « wheat is double the value of the inferior 
<* grain ; I ihall throw upon the general confumption of th-e 
2 *' people. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 317 

than half a million of quarters beyond the former 
export, and recent import, of corn,- added together, 
as we have feen. Neither is there included, in this 
eftimate^ the ftarch-making, the paftryjthe poultry- 
meat, the pig-meat, the horie corn, the diftillery, the 
brewery. The confumption is, therefore, not only 
much greater now, than formerly j but many con- 
fumers, who^. in lefs opulent times, eat rye-meal^ 
and oat- meal, now eat flower of wheat. The con- 
fumption of the whole body of confumers is not 
only more expenfive, but it is more wafheful, at 
prefent, than formerly. A revolution, which has 
gradually taken place, during the lafi fifty, or 
fixty years, has iefiened the number of fupplierSy 
and added^ largely,, to the body of confumers. 
The cottagers have been driven into villages ; 

**' people, the grain confained by horfes, wIiicK are not'em- 
**' ployed in agriculture, hogs, poultry, i>arch-makers. See, 
*^and when it is confidereJ, that a great number of people- 
** live ehiefly upcn the inferior grain.^ we cannot, under all 
'* thefe circumllances, appropriaie lefs than two quartern of the 
"' feveral forts of grain, over-hand, to the confumption of 
«' each perfon, upon an average yearly, for bread, beer, fpirits, 
** &c." With thofe intimations, the v/ell-informed author of the 
Corn Trads had already concurred. According to the princi- 
ples of Mr. C. Smith, [Tracts iS] we may now eflimate the 
whole confumption of England, and Wales, which, the enume- 
ration has afTtired up, contain 9,330,000 perfons. 

Quarters. 
Bread corn, at one quarter, each - » - - - 9,330,000 
Corn made into drink - - - » . - .. \i, . 4,665,000 
Corn for cattle, poultry, &c. - - - -' . «. 4,665,000 



The total of home confumptioia - * • * - 18,660,009 

the 



3l8 A!J E 5 TI M AT£ OF 

the villagers have been forced into towns ; and the 
townfmen have been enticed into cities : while the 
cottagers remained in their hamlets, and the vil- 
lagers in their vicinages, they derived much of their 
fubfiftence from the foil, whereon they lived :• when 
they became townfmen, and citizens, they ceafed to 
be partly fuppliers, and began to be altogether eon- 
fume rs. 

We owe much of this difadvantageous change ta 
our modern fyflem of agriculture. This fyftem, as 
it has been long pradifed, has produced the moft 
calamitous effects, without efFeding all the falutary 
confequences, for which it is celebrated. By con- 
Iblidatlng farms to an enormous extent ; by forcing 
cottagers from their hamlets ; by pretending to 
make much profit with little labour; the agricuiturat 
fyftem has depopulated, and is depopulating the 
fliires, wherein it prevails. This evil^ in our poli- 
tical ceconomy, has been long fufpecled : it is now' 
certain. There is not a propofition^ in the mathe- 
matics, that is more demonftrable,than the pofition,= 
that the agricultural fyftem depopulates the coun- 
try*. Th& agricultural fyftem attempts to ape the 

manufadturing 

* The enumeration of i8ot, among a thoufand other infbr- 
niations, evinces the truth of that politic n : 



N° of Hcufes Ditto, 


iJecreafe. 


in 1690. in i8ci. 




In Bedfordlhire -- - 12,170 — i2,,o73 


— 97 


Cambridgeftiire - iSj62g — 16.451 


~ 2,178 


Effex - - - - 40,545' — ' 39'398 


— 1,147 


Huntingdon - - 8,713 — 7,072 


— 1,641 


iiacoln - - - ' 45^019 --•42.489 


^ 2,530 


' 


Norfolk 



fat STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 519 

manufadtiiring fyftem^ which has a quite difFerent 
tendency. The great aim of the manufadiuring 
fyfiem is to produce a better commodity, at a 
cheaper rate. The conftant effedl of the agricul- 
tural fyftem is to produce a worfe commodity^ at a 
dearer rate^ While peers fmk into peafants: and 
peafants rife into peers ; the great body of the peo- 
ple is pining in want. 

There may be politicians, indeed, who, coniider- 
ing money as the chief end of all policy, may think, 
that forcing, the cottagers into towns, and. the vil- 
lagers into cities, is a good to be defired, rather 
than an evil to be deplored. Yes, we have had 
ftatefmen, who laid it dovv^n, as a maxim, that 
modern war is merely an affair of expence. 
The wealthiefl: nation, it was naturally prefum- 
ed, would ultimately be the mofl: triumphant ; and 

Norfolk - - - 56,579 -— 49,140 — 7>439 
Rutland - - - 3,66 1 — 3 '3^1 — 300 

Suffolk - - - 47=537 — 3^*805 — 14,73.2 



Thefe ate all agricultaral counties : and, the diminution of th« 
fiumbers of their houfes, during the intervening period, is a 
fad demonftration how much the agricultural fyllem tends to 
depopulate the countries, which are comprehended within the 
circle of its unhappy influence. An equal number of the fhires 
orf Scotland, which have been the moft improved, by agricul- 
ture, have been, in the fame manner, depopulated. The mi- 
nifters of many parifhes, in North Britain, point out, in their 
ftatiftical accounts, the confclidation of farms, the Iheep-farm- 
ing, the driving the people from the hamlets into towns, as 
the obvious caufes of the depopulation of their feveral pa- 
ri(Jies. Yet, fee The " Obfervations on the Refults of the Po- 
" pulation AQ. 41 Geo. III." which, from different documents, 
lead us to very different conclufions. 

iinorl 



^20 An EST i Mate OF 

final vi6iory was fuppofed to be appended to the 
weightieft purfe. We have lived, however, to fee 
a nation arife, who could make conquefts, without 
money ; as, indeed, hiflory had, ah'eady, recorded 
the conquefts of poverty over riches. Europe has 
recently feen,.that our wealth could not obtain war- 
riors. And we v/ere driven by neceffity, or were 
induced by wifdom, to intruft the fafety of our 
iiiand to the virtuous fpirit of our people. Wherd 
is that illuftrious regiment, which overthrew the in- 
vincible phalanx, to find recruits, if fheep be 
driven into our northern slens, as a more valuable 
animal than the human race ? Where lliall our ar- 
mies obtain the hardieft levies, if the villagers be' 
forced into cities ? We may now perceive, that mo- 
ney cannot buy men ; that men are of more value 
than money : the policy, then, which regards riches^ 
as the chief good, muft end in the ruin of the fkate : 
and that ftatefman, who fliould confider the Exche- 
quer, as the only object of his care, would foon be 
without an Exchequer to care for. From thofe in- 
timajtions, we may infer what muft be the attentions 
of the wifeft government of the wifeft of people. 

As I have been afKed my opinion, with regard to 
fcarcity, the paft, and the future, I will fubmit my 
judgment upon this interefhing fubje^l. During 
the war, and the dearth, I was fiient, though I did 
not alv/ays approve of what was done, or faid. 
Now, that we have peace, and plenty, I will freely 
deliver my fentiments, which, to thofe, who n»'iy 
not recoiled, that I am not writing for any party^ 

will^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. qzi 

will, perhaps, appear to be contradidiory. It is ne- 
celTary, in the firfl place, to lay before the reader, 
a Statement of the Prices of Wheats according to the 
audit book of Eton College, from 1685, to 177X5 
and from this year to i8oij according to the aver- 
age of the Eton prices, reduced, however, to the 
ftatute quarter, and to the middling quality, and of 
Mr. Catherwood's prices of England and Wales y 
of the excefs of Exports and Imports of Corn, from 
the year 1696, to 1800, inclufive, Including Scot- 
land;, after the union -, together with the bounties, 
which were paid, during the feveral periods^ wherein 
bounties were given : the bounties of the three 
years, ending with 1691, and thofe of the five 
years, ending with 1696, v/ere computed at only 
the half of what the bounties amounted to, in the 
fubfequent years^, when the prices of corn vv^ere the 
lame. 



A TABL^; 



322 ANESTlMATEOF 

A TABLE; Shewing the average Prices of iniddling Wheat, per 

y/^^/K/^ quarter ; the average Excefs of the Exports of every fort of 

Corn, Flour, and Meal ; the average Imports of the fame ; and 

the whole Bounties paid on the Corn exported, daring the years of 

• the feveral averai^es : 



PERIODS. 



3 Years Average, 

ending vviih i683 
5 years D** ending 1691 
:: years D* ending 1696 

5 years D*^ ending 1701 

6 years D'* ending 1707 

4 years D° ending 1711 
4 years D*^ ending 17 15 

4 years D" ending 17 19 
1^ years D° ending 1724 

5 years D** ending 1729 
5 years D° ending 1734 
5 yeais D^ endinj^ J 739 
5 years D? ending I'j \\ 
5 years D* ending 1740 
5 years D^ ending 1754 
5 years D* ending 1759 
5 years L>-= ending 1764 
5 years D* eruiing 1769 
5 years B*=' ending 1774 
5 years D° ending 1779 
5 years D° ending 1784 
5 years D° ending 1789 
5 years D® ending 1794 
5 years D° ending 1799 
The one year - - i8co 



The Pi ices 


The excefs 


The excefs 


of Wher.t 


of 


of 


per flat. qr. 

1 i 


Exports. 


Imports. 


- 


Quarters. 


Quarters. 


27 4 


— 


— 


26- 


»- 


— 


1 47 9 


— 


— 


i A.Z S ' 


139,866 


— 


25 n 1 


289,304 


— 


{ 49 9 


299,367 


— 


11 s 


453^98^5 


^ 


1 33 1 


485^85, 


— 


2S !0 


^52,732 


— 


; 37 7 


216,643 




; 25 9 


4^-^5,844 





I S^ ^-' 


597,462 


— 


. 28 7 


446,378 


— 


2-1 9 


932,-593 


— 


30 5 


1^080,077 


- 


! 35 . 


273,805 





1 30 7 


676,117 


I 


; 43 ^ 


— 


233,184 


1 47 9i 


^ 


276,206 


40 9 


-. 


290,595 


45 9f 


— 


185,906 


43 3 


— . 


198,7 1 6.- 


47 2 


— 


i,i45'5H 


63 5l 




1,191^131 


1 JJ3 4 




2,259,379 



THE STPvENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 323 

The epoch of the bounty on corn is 1689. In 
my copy of the Statutes, the bounty is called a 
'rezvard to perfons exporting corn*. The price of 
Iniddhng wheat, at that epoch, according to a five 
years average, ending with 1680, was 28^. ^d. a 
ftatute quarter. A long period of fine fcafons had 
reduced the market value to that low price. And 
this low price, and thofe hne fcafons, induced the 
parliament to pafs the before-mentioned ad:, " for 
encouraging the exportation of corn" ; when wdieat 
iliould be at 48^. or under. The vabje of money 
was, at that epoch, in the ratio of 226, in 1689, 
10,562, in iSoof ; and, of confequence, £. i. in 
1689, had as much power over the neceffaries of 
life, as;^. 2. pj". 8-|^. had, in 1800. 

The fine feafons did not continue long. The 
feafons, however, were fo far favourable, in 1 690, and 
1 69 1, as to reduce the prices below the average of 
2 8 J. 9 J. notwithfhanding the bounty, and the adl: 
encouraging exportation. The feafons changed from 
good to bad, in 1692 ; and continued extremely un- 
favourable till 1702, when the price fell below^ the 
average of 285. 9 J. Thofe times w^ere long remem- 
bered, as the dear years of the Revolution, when the 
price of middling wheat rofe to 561. the Jlatute 
quarter, in 1696. We have had no fuch fcarcity, 

* 1 Wm. & Mary, cb. 12. 

f See Sir George Shuckburgh Evelyn''s incerefting, and im- 
portant. Table of the appreciation of money, in :be Tran/a^ions 
Q^ the Royal Sociery^ 1 7 98 , p. 176. 

Y 2 afid 



324 AN ESTIMATE OF 

and dearth, during late times. The fine feafons re- 
turned in 1702, and continued till 1708* Two, or 
three, unfavourable feafons carried up the prices of 
wheat to 62s. in 1709, and to 6is. 7^. in 1710. Th^ 
high prices of 1800, confidering the depreciation of 
money, were not fo high, as thofe of 1709 and 
1 7 10. A long courfe of favourable feafons now 
fucceeded ; and continued, with ver}^ httle interrup- 
tion, till 1756 and 1757, when the price of mid- 
dling wheat rofe to ajs. 4J. the ftatute quarter, 
which, having a regard to the depreciation of mo- 
ney, was fcill under the low price of 1689. -^^ 
length clamour, and tumult, began ; v;hich have 
continued, durhig bad feafons, till the prefent 
times. 

Some infift, that the bounties have frudified our 
fields : fome, that they have not prevented the re- 
turn of bad feafons, nor benefited our farmers, in 
good feafons. The late Dr. Adam Smith main- 
tained that, without benefiting the farmers, the boun- 
ty did harm, to the great body of the people, in two 
refpefts ; it raifcd the price, in the home market ; 
and it transferred vail fams of money, at the mofh 
diflrefsful times, from the purfes of the confumers, 
to the pockets of the jobbers*. The Reverend 
John Howlett, v/ith as found a head as Dodlor 
Smith, and more fads before his eyes, cannot fee 
'' the beneficial operation of the bounty f." There 

* Wealth of Nations, v. ii. p. 266. 

f The Difperfion of Gloomy ApprehenCons, I797, p. 22. 

is 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 32J 

is a curious circumftance, which neither of thofe 
•(^uick-figbted writers, diftinftly, faw : Till the 
corn ad of 1791, there was no prop^iJ mode pre- 
scribed by law, for afcertaining the prices of grain*. 
The cuftomers, who computed the bounty, at 
the cuftom-houfe, and the brokers, who received 
it, underftood each other : but, neither the growers 
of corn, nor the confumers, knew the prices of 
grain, except the price of the narrow market, where- 
in they dealt. Neither did the king, and parlia- 
ment, during former reigns, know the general prices 
of grain, except from the noife, and tumult, of the 
needy. Now, thofe facts, not only confirm the 
reafonings of Smith, and Howlett, but evince, that 
the bounty went diiedly from the pockets of the 
confumers into the purfes of the brokers, yet without 
benefiting the growers. From the firft eftablifh- 
ment of the bounty till its recent cefllition, owing to 
natural caufes, upwards of feven millions of money 
have been paid by the public, not for a^Wpur- 
pofe, but for a bad purpofe. It has, moreover, 
created a continued conteft, by a flruggle between 
avarice, and want. And, to the fcandal of the bet- 
ter judgment of the nation, a probable goodhdiS been 
allowed, for niore than a century, to outface two 
pojitive evils : the probable good was the fuppofed 
frudification of our fields : the two pojitive evils 
were the payment of feven millions of money, for 

* The regifler of corn prices began, indeed, in 1771; but, 
it was inadequate to its end. 

Y 3 making 



326 AN ESTIMATE OF 

making corn dearer in the home market, withoiat 
contributing to the manurance of the foil *. 

The flruggle, and pcrfeverance, in promoting the 
export of the produce of agricuiturcj in former 
timeSj appears quite wonderful to the haralTed eyes 
of the prefent days. The dear years of the Revo- 
lution began, in 1692. The prices of grain rofe to 
the grcateft heighth, in 1696. They continued very 
high till 16995 when they began to abate, till the 
better feafons returned, in 1700. The export of 
corn was prohibited, in 1699, for one year-j*. The 
bounty was, foon afterwards, withdrawn, from the 
9th of February, 1699, to the 20th of September^ 
1700 ;!;. And, the duties, which were payable on 
the export of vi61:ual was repealed, for ever, in 
ijoo^K From thofe fads, it is apparent, that the 
king, and parliament, in thofe days, either did not 

know 

* By the corn a^l of 1773, the original bounty price of 48/. 
a quarter of wheat was reduced to a r-ate under 44J.; and this 
reduced rate was continued by the corn aft of 179]^. But, the 
20 G. 3. ch. 31, feemed to introduce a new principle, when it 
allowed only one half of the bounty on corn^ exported in neutral 
fhips, 

t By loWm.ch. 3. By 10, 11, Wm. ch. 4. the diftiilery 
was flopped, for a feafon. 

J By II Wm. ch. i.-^AlI thofe alleviations came, after the 
evil day had palled. 

§ By I!, 12, Wm. ch. i?o. — During that reign too, there 

was paffed *' An Aft for the encouragement of the breeding 

«•■' and feeding of cattle,'* 3 Wm, & Nl* ch. 8. The great ob^ 

I jeft 



THE STRENGTH. OF G. BRITAIN. 327 

know the Hate of the prices^ or did not feel, for the 
miferies of the poor, with the fame pungenc}^ as 
the king, and parhament, feel at prefent. The 
years 1709, and 1710, were times of greater dearths, 
though perhaps of lefs calamity^ than thofe of king 
WiUiam's reign. The only anodyne, which was 
apphed, in thofe two years, was the meafm'e of pre- 
venting the export of corn, for one year, without 
withdrawing; the bountv *. There was verv lit'de 
grain imported, during thofe two periods of fevere 
dearths. And, this fad feems to evince, that the pre* 
vailing paffion for export, on both thofe fad occa- 
cafions, ch'ove the confumers to rigid oeconomy, 
which, generally, is the beft refource. 

* A long courfe of favourable feafons prevented the 
return of dearth till 1 740, which was not compara- 
ble to the dear years of king William, and queen 
Anne. The export of corn was, however, ftopped, 
in 1 741. The fame meafure was adopted, in 1757, 
when a v/orfe feafon, in the preceding year, occa- 
fioned a louder outcry, and greater tumult. The 
outcry, and the tumult, and the alarm, rofe to 
a greater height, during the unfavourable feafons of 

jed of this encouragement, which was given at the com- 
mencement of the dear years, confined, in taking oiF the 
duties on the exportation of all the produfts of agriculture. I do 
not obferve, that any meafure was taken, during the nine years 
of want, to ilop the exportation, or to repeal this ad, giving a 
reward, for raifing the prices of the produds of agriculture, in 
the home market. 

* By the 8 Anne, ch. 2. 

Y4 1765, 



328 AN ESTIMATE OF 

1765, 1766, 1767, though neither the nominal, nor 
the real, prices of vidual were equal to thofe of the 
times of queen Anne, or king William. It was 
this clamour of contradiftion, which induced inge- 
nious men to attribute the apparent prices, and fubr- 
fequent diflrefs, to the depreciation of money. Mon- 
tefquieu, and Hume, had already talked of the efr 
fc(5V. of riches, and luxury, upon the necellaries of 
life. But, it was Soame Jenyns, who long fat 
at the Board of Trade, who profeffedly incul- 
cated, " that the pre fen t high price of provifions 
'"•[1766] arifes, principally, from the poverty of 
^' the public; and the wealth of individuals*." But, 
as he knew not how to calculate the depreciation 
of money, he was unable to apply it, fpecifically, to 
his point. 

The pafnon, which had fo long contrived ways 
and means, for exporting the neceffaries of life, was at 
length met by a contrary paiTion. And, from 

1766, to 1773, encouragements were, continually, 
offered, for the importation of the neceffaries of 
life-j-. This imiportation, and that paflion, continur 
ed to the prefent times. The 3^ear 1796 is the 

f In his Thoughts on the HauJeSy and Confequencesy of the prefent 
high Price of Provifions ; Dodlley, 1767^ 8vc. He was, immedir 
atcly, anfwercd, by a parriphlet, abufing all the fervants of the 
public, who were the very perfcns, that fuftered the moft, from 
the depreciation of money. 

\ By the various afts of parliament, in thofe times. The 
obvious change, in the current of the corn trade, may be traced 
back not only to the bad feafons, bt^t, to thofe parliamentary 
ads. 

epoch 



THE STRENGTH Of G. BRITAIN. 32^ 

epoch of the bounty on the importation of vidual*. 
This firft effay cofl the nation ^T. 565,802. The un- 
favourable feafons, and the continued fright, gave 
rife to greater, and more various bounties, on the 
importation of vidual f. This fecond eflay has al- 
ready intercepted, in its courfe to the exchequer, 
no lefs than £, 1,251,479. Of vidual, there was 
imported, in 1800, as we have feen, 2,259,379, ^^' 
tute quarters. Such are the efFedts of carrying po- 
licy to extremes : in one period, exportation was too 
much rezvarded : in another, importation was too 
much forced. The people 

" Feel by turns the bitter change 



*^ Of fierce extremes^ extremes by change more fierce. 

In the mean time, fomething like a corn fyjlem 
was adopted, in 1773, by regulating the export, 
and import, of grain, according to given pricesj. 
Yet, was that fyftem faid " to be founded on radi- 
cal miilakes §." During the fubfequent eighteen 
years, the corn laws were involved in a complete 
chaos. The ableft lawyers in England could not 
fay, diftlndly, by what law the exports, and im- 
ports, of grain were to be regulated. In this ftate of 
legal anarchy, one of the greateft ftatefmen, whom 
this country has ever produced, undertook the ar- 

* 36 Geo. 3. ch. 21. 

-j- 39, 40 Geo. 3, ch. 29. 41 Geo. 3. ch. 10. 

I 13 Geo. 3. ch. 43, 

§ Mr. Young's Pol. Arithmetic, p. 40. 

duous 



^^O ANESTIMATEOF 

duous tafk of drawing order from confufion. AH 
the elaboration of diligence, and all the wifdom of 
ex;perience, were now employed, in forming the 
Corn Ad of 1791*. Yet, alas! what is the wif- 
dom of the wife. A continued fuccelTion of unfa- 
vourable feafons has rendered nugatory the judi- 
cious regulations of that fyftematic law. 

During more than half a century, we have been 
ilunned with controverfy about t^e corn /azvsy 
which feem to be abi^ogated, by a higher power 
than parliament. '' The grand, and leading, error, 
" upon this fubjedr, feems to be," fays the Rev, 
John Howlett, '^ that we afcribe too much to hu^ 
'^ man contrivance ; and too little to providential 
*' fuperintendancef.'* When this able man made 
this deep remark, he had before him m.any fa6ts. 
When the late Dr. Smith argued this queftion, 
he could only fee, with fyftematic eyes, i/ie difpa- 
ragement of ftlver. After viewing the whole ope- 
ration of the corn laws, with a very acute intelled, 
Mr.Howletf]: '' thought it manifeft, that the va- 
*' rious changes in our corn lazvs are fo far from 
'' having been the only, or even any confiderable, 
" caufe of the decreafe of our exports (of corn,) 
^^ that there is no neceffity for iuppohng, they have 
** been any caufe at alL'* ¥/ith this opinion, I 

* 31 Geo. 3. ch. 30. This z&., however, was not, finally, 
paiTed, as it had been, originally, propofed. See the notes on 
p. 40, 41, of the<!?cr« Reprejentatiouy lately printed for Stockdale. 

f His Difperfion, 1797, p. 21, 

% Id. 

concur. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 33 1 

concur. After a long coniideration of the corn-ac^ 
counts, which were printed by order of parliament, in 
November 1800, and weighing collateral circum- 
flances, it appears to me, that the feafons, either 
good, or bad, have been the efficient caufes of 
plenty, or fcarcity, from the epoch of the exporta- 
tion bounty to the prefent times. After fully con^ 
fidcring this interefting fubjed, the feries of corn- 
laws appeared to me, like continued attempts to 
regulate the feafons. In the v/eighty confideration 
of fupplyingthe neceflaries of life, there are two 
points, which are beyond the power of parliament : 
the legillature cannot regulate the courfe of the 
feafons ; neither cr.n the legijflature controul the 
fubtle, and filent, depreciation of money, which 
feems to have the all-powerful force of fteam : the 
effed: of unfavourable feafons may be mitigated, 
by the beft fyftem of agriculture : the unhappy 
influence of the depreciation of money may be 
mollified, by the rigid oeconomy of individuals. 

Thus much, then, with regard to t/ie bounty, and 
to the corn-laws : I will now fpeak of the recent 
dearths, which proceeded from various caufes. 
The principal caufe was, undoubtedly, a long 
feries of unfavourable feafons. We have, as I 
have already fliown, not only a greater number of 
people to feed ; but, a greater number of opulent/ 
and wafteful people to feed ; owing to the favour- 
able change in the circumftances of a great many 
people. In the mean time, the whole neceffaries 
of life were fold upon the principles of concert. 

From 



'^^Z AN ESTIMATE OF 

From Cornwall to Cathnefs, there is an underftand- 
ing among the fellers, who never forget, that the 
confumers are wholly in their power. And, by 
means of this underflanding, and of that concert, 
there is not a free market in Britain, where the 
balance of fupply, and demand, can vibrate, with-, 
out the interruptions of avarice. Some of thofe 
evils have been attributed to the banks. It has 
been urged, that the paper of the bank of England 
has greatly contributed to raife the prices of corn, 
and cattle, Theabftract pofition is obvioufly abfurd : 
and, the arguments, which have been given, in 
lupport of that abiurdity, I have always confider^ 
ed, as nonfenfical. If it had been argued, that 
the difcounts of the bank promote circulation ; 
that circulation encourages induftry ; that induftry 
energizes agriculture, manufa<3:ure, commerce j 
that all thefe create wealth, that wealth engenders 
luxury ; that luxury creates confumption ; and that 
confumption affects the prices ; I fliould have ad- 
mitted thefe feveral dedudions to be fo many tru- 
ij'ws : But, it is not true, in point of fad, that the 
paper of the bank of England ever comes into di-r 
red contad with prices, though they may, ^fter a 
long courfe of circulation. It feems, however, 
certain, that the country banks furnilh accommoda- 
lions to farmers : yet, have not farmers the fame 
right to the benefits of accommodations^ as mer- 
chants, and other tradefmen, have, to difcounts, 
and advances, and other commercial refources. 
The talk about paper money, on this occafion, is 

only 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 333 

only an outcry, that we are an opulent, and free- 
fpending people ! 

Whether the late war has had any great influence 
on prices has been doubted by fome, and denied 
by others. There is, fcarcely, a paradox, that 
fome philofophers have not maintained. Some of 
our political oeconomiils have cloiely followed their 
trade, in the paradoxical line. One truth is clear : 
it was not the zvord war, nor the t/ihig^ which, 
raifed the prices, in the domellic market : but, our 
fleets, and our armies, have large mouths, that muft 
be fupplied : and when the public agents go into 
the market, with additional demands, the prices 
muft neceifarily rife j fince the price is governed 
by the demand, and the fupply. If there fhould 
be an additional dem.and, and a lefs fupply, during 
feafons of fcarcit}^ the public agents muft, un- 
doubtedly, raife the prices, in a high degree. But, 
fome other eifeds of war contributed to enhance 
the prices ftill more. When ^ the affelTed taxes, and 
the income tax, were colledled, the fuppliers of the 
neceffaries of lifs contrived to impofe their propor- 
tion of thofe taxes on the coafumers, m the prices of 
the necelfary articles. The public agents have 
withdrawn from the markets: yet,the confequences 
of the war afTecfl: the confumers^ during the enjoy- 
ment of peace. 

This intimation leads to a flight confideratioa of 
the depreciation of money. The mean appreciation, 
from 1689, the epoch of the export bounty oa 

corn. 



^34 ^^ ESTIMATE OF 

corn, to iSoo, is, in the ratio of 226 to 562, 
nearly* : now, the refult is, that £. i. in 1689, had 
as great a power over the neceflliries of Hfe, as 
£.1, 91. 8i^. had, in 1800, From the fame ^/)- 
preciationy there is another refult. According to 
a five years average, ending with 1689, the price 
of middhng wheat, per ftatute quarter, was 
£. 1 . 8 J. 81 J. ; now, this fum had as great a power 
over the neceffaries of life, as ;^. 3. iis,^d. in 1 800 : 
and the average price of five dear years, ending with 
1 799, was only ^T. 3 . 3 5. 5 f J. : fo that this high price 
of five dear years, was not fo large as the lozv price 
of middling wheat, in the five plentiftd years, end- 
ing with 1689. From the foregoing refults, we 
may infer, that the dear years of recent times were 
not equal in dearnefs, and mifery, to the dear years 
of a century before. The depreciation of money, 
according to Sir George Shuckburgh Evelyn*s 
table, from 1696 to iSco, was in the ratio of 
234.52 to 562, nearly: fo that ;/^ . i . in 1696, was 
equal, in power to £.2, ys. 11 d. in 1800: and, 
of confequence. the average price of wheat, in the 
very dear year 1696, was equal to ^.6. 14J. id. in 
the very dear year 1800. The depreciation, ac- 
cording to the fame curious, and important, table, 
from 1 710 to 1800, was in the ratio of 247-^ to 
562, nearly: fo that ;^. i in 17 10 was equal in 

* See Sir George Shuckburgh Evelyn's Table of jthe appre- 
ciation of money J in the Tranladions of flie Royal Society^ 
1798, p, 176, 

energy 



THE STRENGTH OF G, BRITAIN. 335 

energy to^^'.z. ^s. 5 J. in i8oo: now, the average 
price of the quarter of middling wheat, in 1709, 
was ^3. 25. which, in power over neceffaries, was 
equal to/. 7. os. 9^-//. in 1800. It is, therefore, 
demonftrable, that the dearnefs, and diftrefs, of 
recent times, were not equal to the dearnefs, and 
diftrefs,' of the feveral reigns of king William, and 
queen Anne. Under Providence, we owe the fa- 
vourable difference of late times to the better ilate 
of our agriculture ; proceeding from that gradual 
progrefs of improvement, v/hich has been traced, 
during the two iafl: centuries; and which has dou- 
bled in its progrefs, during the prefent reign, and 
has redoubled its many meliorations, during the Iafl 
fix and thirty years. 

This fubjeft of the depreciation of money is fo iiite- 
refling to thtjiate, to the governed, as well as to 
the governors ; that I will prefume to exhibit it, in 
a different light. By a parliamentary arrangement, 
in 1760, the civil lifl revenue was compenfated, 
by an annuity of /. 8co,ooo ; his Majefty having 
graciouHy offered to reiinquifh his hereditary reve^ 
nues, in confideration of an equivalent. It is a 
parliamentary principle, which has been long fet- 
tled, that whoever, whether the prince, or the pea- 
fant, relinquidies any rights, for the benelit of the 
public, Ihali receive a full compenfation. On that 
principle, was the faid annuity of j^. 800,000 fettled, 
by parliament, on his jMajefty, in lieu of his here- 
ditary revenues*. Upon that annuity, the depreci- 
ation 

* I Geo. 3. ch. i. The hiilorian ofour i-evenne does not dif- 

tinaiv 



336. AN ESTIMATE OF 

ation of mone}^ attached, as it equally attaches upon 
all other annuities. It was found necelTary, there- 
fore, in 1777, to bring the arrears of the civil li(l 
before the parliament, for its juft confideration. 
The civil lifh debt was paid : and the faid annui- 
ty was enlarged to j{^. 900,000, without any very 
itiinute calculation, whether ;f. -900,000, in 1777^ 
had the fame power over the necelTaries of life, as 
jT. 800,000 had, in 1760. The depreciation of 
money, from 1760 to 1800, according to the im- 
portant Table, before-mentioned, was in the ratio of 
342 to 562 : fo that £.i/m 1760, could command 
as many of the neceliaries of life, as £^i. 11s, 10 d. 
in 1 800 : and,confequently,an annuityof^. 800,000, 
m 1760, vv^s equal, in its faculties, to an annuity of 
/. 1.314,619. ins. "jkd. in i8co. Such, then, are 
fome of the effects of the depreciation of money, 
which, as they are fubtle, and filentj cannot be eafily 

tinctly ftate thatarrangement, which comprehends the royal grace, 
and the parliamentary ergagement. The learned Baronet, 
however, recapitulates the various fums, which, from tinie to 
time, have been paid, in fupplementary aid, of the civil lift; 
and, at length;^ infers, that the total, during the fpace of twenty- 
dght years, amounts to j^. 923,196, /^r annian^_ Sir J. Sin- 
clair's Kift. of the Public Revenue, vol. 3. p. 72. But, liis fa- 
gacity Teems not to have perceived, that the depreciation of 
jhoney was outrunning the annuity; and his algebra did not 
idifcover, by computation, that /. 923,196, in 1786, were not 
equal, in power of pui'chafe, to /. 800,000, in 1760: in faft, 
according to the Table, and the principles, before mentioned, an 
annuity of £. 900,000 v/as equal, in its energies, during the 
year 1760, to an annuity of ^T. 1,478,947. ']s, 4^. in 1800. 
Now, the I'dathematici cannot be outfaced by confidence, nor out- 
argued by declamation I 

forefeen. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. ERITATX. 337 

forefeen, and cannot be wholly prevented. Such 
alio were fome of the effe6ls of the ilxth great 
war, in which Britain has been engaged, iince the 
Revolution of 1688. It is one of the principal 
obje6ls of the foregoing Eftimate to Itate the lofles 
of her trade, from each of thoie wars. And, we 
have beheld, with wonder, and comfort, that our 
Ibipping, and commerce, have been invariably more 
extenfive, at the return of each fucceffive peace, 
than during each preceding period of tranquillity. 
It has been obferved, alfo, that in proportion as 
the people of the Britiih dominions became more 
enlightened, more induftrious, and more opulent, 
they equally became more able to meet the misfor- 
tunes of bulinefs, and to bear the embarraffments 
of war. 

The events, which occurred during the late war, 
m well as in the period preceding, are proofs of that 
pofition. It muft, indeed, be allowed, that indivi- 
duals, and claiTes, were prefTed down, by inequali- 
ties, which, however unable they are to bear bur- 
dens, cannot ealily be forefeen, nor always avoided. 
The firft effefils of war, in our happy ifland, which 
never feels the ravages of the foe, are new debts, 
and additional taxes. Every year of holtilities 
brings with it fome freih loan, with appropriate fub- 
fidies, to fund it. But, it will anfwer, fufficiently, 
our prefent purpofe, fmce the war ended, in 06iober 
1 801, to give a general view of the financial refult, 
from that long courfe of hoftilities, as itaffe^ed the 
burdens, and comforts of the people. The whole 
amount of the public expenditure of Great Britain, 
' "^ Z during 



33^ AN ESTIMATE Olf* 

during the ten years, ending on the 5th of Jgintiarjf- 
1803, and compriiing the whole period of the war^ 
which was terminated by the peace of Amie7is^ may 
be ftated at ;^. 503,378,540; whereof;^. 178,520,4,54 
arofe from the charge of the funded, and un unded 
debts of the ftate, and £. 324,858,086^ from all other 
iervices : About ^Z^. 241,909,953 were raifed, by th€ 
ordinari) revemce, and incidental payments of various 
kinds ; about ^f. 32,679,000 were raifed by extraordi- 
nary 2XY/r /f^i^e^ ; there were provided;^. 220,095,607^ 
by additions to the funded debt of the public; 
X- 3? 000, 000 by an advance from the Bank, mthout 
intereft, in Gonfideration of the renewal of its charter; 
and ^.3,000^000 advanced by the Bank, in 1798, 
whereof £. 1,500,000 were repaid, in 1803. Such 
were the provifions, for the vait expenditure of the 
war of 1793, which ended, in 06:ober 1801 ! But, 
it is of great importance to remark that, if the fum^ 
which was raifed by the war taxes, previoufly to th© 
peace, had been added to the loan of each year, 
^ further charge would have been incurred of 
ji[. 48,678,000 capital ftock, and ^.1,850,000 an- 
nual charge, at the rate whereat i'uch loans were 
^actually raifed, in every year : and if fuch loans fo 
augmented, had been raifed, at the average rate of 
the three years, which immediately preceded the 
impofition of fuch war taxes, a further charge would 
have been incurred of £, 15,296,000 capital ftock, 
and of ;r. 1,8 12^000, annual charge; making in the 
whole an addition of ^.63,974,000, capital debt, 
and £. 3,662,000 annual charge, which muft have 
been raifed, by permanent taxes. It is not eafy tp 

fettie. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 



339 



fettle, whether the minifter, who propofed thofe war 
taxes^ which were fo important to the nation, or the 
parliament, who adopted theiri^ or the people, who 
bore them, be entitled to the higheft honour.*' 

Of public debts, w^hether funded, or unfunded, 
the true anodyne is a finking- fund. This remedy 
has exifced in our Difpenfary, fince the year 1717, 
by the original appropriation of >C- 323,434. Yet, 
has not this anodyne always been adminiftered, with 
the attention, and fuccefs, which were due to its ef- 
ficacy. The powers of a finking-fund, however 
recommended by publication, were almoft forgotten, 
when it was adopted, as we have feen, under hap- 
pier aufpices, at the end of feventy yearsf . A fink- 
ing fund of X- 250,000 a quarter, was fettled by 



* It may gratify a reafonable curiofityj to fee a comparati've 
Jate of the prices of the 3 per cent, confols, in each month of 
the four following years ; comparing two years of previous 
peace, with two years of fubfequent war : 



January — — 

February — — 

March — — 

April — — 

May >- — 

June •— ■—- 

July — — . 

Auguft — — 

September — 

Odober — -- 

November — 

December — 



Peace. 


w 

1800 


ar. 


1784 


1785 


1801 


55| 


55* 


62 


591^ 


55| 


6ii 


56^ 


5H 


55J 


03 


5H 


sn 


56# 


63f 


5& 


sH 


58f 


64^ 


6ofi 


5H 


57i 


64i 


604 


57* 


571 


^'31 


59# 


56* 


57-^ 


^■3 


59f 


55* 


5H 


^^5| 


59^ 


54* 


63 


Hi 


671 


55* 


68 


64^ 


67i 


55| 


71* 


62-1 


671 



t See before p. 179—183. 

Z 2 



law, 



340 AN ESTIMATE OF 

law, in 1786. The energies of this quarterly fum 
was ftrengtbened, in 1792, by a grant of ;^. 400,000, 
and to tliis great addition, was fuperadded, in every 
fubfequent year,^ £. 200,000. At the end of the 
lixth year, it had, with thefe helps, acquired, for 
the ilate, of public debts to the amount of 
^.9,441,850. It had thus outrun, in this ihort 
period, the calculations of malignant fcience 
jf. 2,649,237. The objedion to thofe falutary 
meafures, which ft ruck the appreheniions of men 
the moft, was the intimation, that the iirft diftreffes 
of war w^ould convert the finking-fund into one of 
the ways mid means of the year. This apprehenfion 
was removed by a parliamentary declaration, in 
1792, that every new loan, in future, fliould carry 
its own linking-fund along with it.* The linking- 
fund had now ihewn its energies ; the people had 
felt its benefits ; and the parliament had ^vifely aug- 
mented its powers, and provided for its continuance. 
The hoftilities of \ 793, as they demanded a new 
loan, alfo created, under the late declaration, a new 
finking-fund. In the fame manner, every loan, dur- 
ing that war, was accompanied by its own provifion^ 
for its repayment. The world now faw great ex- 
amples of the privations of the people, and of the 
magnanimity of parliament, in adhering to previous 
engagements, for fupporting public credit. The 
publicity of all thofe meafures added much to their 
fuccefs. The public debts were, firom time to 

• By the a£l 32 G. 3. ch. 55, which invigorated the 26 G. 3. 
ch. 3 1 ; and which ftrengtbened the old, by laying the foun» 
tilatioA of a new finking-fund. 

timc^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 34I 

time, computed, and alcertained. The application^ 
of the linking-fund, its pad appropriations, and 
future powers, were inquired into, by a parliament- 
ary committee. At the epoch of that inquiry, in 
1797, it was found that, 
The old fmking-fund of 1786 

amounted, yearly, to - - X-i)94i?3^0- ^^' 2^. 
The new fmking-fund of the 

war, to-- 1,418,479. o^. 0^. 



The amount of both to ;£.3,359,799 ^s, 2d, 



Tlie firji was then operating 

on the old debt of £, 240,000,000. 

The fecond w^as operating on 

the new debt of 130,665,896, 



It now became apparent, from calculation, that 
the old finking-fund, with all its fupplementary 
aids, had lefs power of redemption over the old 
debt, than tlie nexv finking-fund had over the new 
debt. And, it was equally demonftrable, that the 
whole debt of £. 240,000,000, might poffibly be 
redeemed, in thirty-three years, from the ift of 
February, 1797; and could not be of longer 
redemption than fifty-four years, from the fame 
epoch.* 

The encouragements, arifing from thofe intima- 
tions, feem only to have created defires of giving 

* The Report of the Finance Committee, printed the %\ii tt 
March, 1797. 

Z3 more 



342 AN ESTIMATE QF 

niore energies to powers, which were already powers 
fuL The income tax w^as granted, in 1798, as a 
contribution, for carrying on a neceffary war^ : a 
limilar income tax was granted, in 1799, but on 
different principles, and with diffimilar views f. At 
the fame time, and with analogous purpofes, thQ 
land-ta^c was fold ; and the purchafe money was 
transferred to the redemption of debts. In this 
n^annqr was created, a tJiird finking-fund, which, iq 
its energies, was ftill more powerful than either of 
the former. By the redemption of the land-tax, 
/. 21,147,888 ftock were transferred to the com- 
miffioners of the f nking-fund, who thus acquired 
the dividends, as the efBcacious nieans of buying 
additional debts. By an obvious departure from its 
original defign, the income tax was dedicated to the 
payment of £. 56,445,000 from the conclufion of 
the war, in 1 801, to the end of the year 1811 : this 
then, is a fmking-fund of £.5,644,500 a year, for 
ten years J. 

By thofe various operations, fmce 1786, for the 
fpeedy diminution of the national debts, the effeQ;s 
have been as great, as wife men forefaw, from the 
eneigies of fuch powerful machinery. Before the 
ift of February, 1801, there had been redeemed of 
the old debt ;^. 52,183,364, and of the annuities 
;/^. 1 23,477 ; whereby "the principal of the old 
debt had been reduced from ;^. 238,231,248, ten- 
£.186,047,884, and the annuities to £. 1,250,073. 

* By 38 G. 3. ch. 16. 

t 39 G.3. ch. 13. 

X Com. Journ. 22 June, 1801. 

And^ 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 343 

And, before the ift of February, 1804, the finking- 
fuiid cornmiffioners had redeemed, of the whole 
debt, £. 100,901,854. the dividends whereof, conti- 
nually, form new means of redemption. I'he linidng- 
fund, in 1786, was about 1,238th part of the 
capital permanent debt ; the f)nking-fund, in 1793, 
was about i-i6oth part of the fame debt ; and efti- 
mating the finking-fund, in 1801, at £. 5,500,000, 
this amount would be about i-73d part of the per- 
manent debt, in 1801*. The fmking-fund, in 1804, 
may be eftimated at nearly £ 6,500,000. There 
fell in to the fame fund, by the gradual effluxion of 
time, on the 5th of January, 1 808, annuities for 
years, exclufive of annuities for lives, amounting to 
£. 45 8,409. 1 8*. 1 d, \. As an account, between the ex- 
chequer, and theltock-exchange,thisis a^eryfplendid 
llatement, which does high honour to the wifdom of 
the parhament, and to the patience of the people. 

During all thofe operations of finance, and of war, 
the gains of our enterprizing people were beyond 
calculation, however the unproductive claiTes may 
have fuffered, from the depreciation of money, and 
the preflures of taxation. Our commerce became 
more than double to its greateft extent, during the 
bappieft years of previous peace. We added mean* 
time many Qiips to our ancient ftock. And, above 
all thofe inducements of comfort, we improved the 
furface of our illand, during the preffures of war, 
and the infelicities of feafons, far beyond the greateft 
enter prizes of the moft profperous times ; as we have 
already feen from the ftatute book. We have already 

* Com. Journ. 22 June, 1801. 
f Finance Report, 1786, App. N*" 5. 

V 3 4 perceived^ 



344 AN ESTIMATE OF 

perceived, that upon the return of every peace, after 
a long courfe of hoftilities, our commerce flows, with 
unwonted abundance, and our fhipping move, with 
augmented numbers. What had always happened, 
at V the conclufion of every former war, occurred 
again, at the return of peace, in 1801 : And, we 
never had fo many fhipping, and fuch numerous 
cargoes, as we advantageoufly enjoyed, in 1802; 
as the fubjoined details will clearly evince, by a 
retrofpeSlive comparifon ; There were, 

Average of years. Ships cleared outwards. 

In 1772^ Tons Eng. Tods foreign. Total. Val. of Cargoes. 
795,943 - 64,232 - 680,175 ^.15,613,003 



ml 

74 > 

17907 
91 > 
923 



1.329,979 - 163,778.1,493,757 - 22,585,771 



1801-^1,190,557 - 767.816-1,958,373 - 42,100,832 
1802—1,459.689 -435,427-1,895,116 . 46,120,962 



The whole number of ihips, in tlie Britiih domin- 
ions, which was regiftered, on 

Ships. Tons. Men. 

Sept 30, 1792, was 16,079—1,540,145—118,286 
Sept. 30, 1802, - - 20,568—2,128,055—154,530 

The intermediate in- 1 ; "^ ' ~ 

creafe, during the late > 4>4^^9 — ' 5o7,9^0 — 3^,244 
war - - • - 



} 



The Revenue of the Poft-office, which has been 
juftly regarded, as a fupplementary proof of the 
proiperity of our trade, throughout the whole 

courfe 



THE STRENGTH OP G. BRITAIN. 345 

coiirle of the late extended war, continued to 
yield abundantly, from the augmented corre- 
fpondence; and it continued to yield ftill more, on 
the return of peace, from the increafe of our trade, 
and the enlarsfement of oar intercourfe.* 

Such, then, was the profperous ftate of this coun- 
try, at all thofe epochs of peace, and of war, and of 
renewed peace, at the final conclufion of eight years 
of unexampled holtilities. Every intimation, in- 
deed, evinces, that the refources of a nation, which 
poffeiTes all the means of acquiring wealth, agricul- 
ture, manufa6lures, commerce, ihipping ; are almoit 
inexhauftible. The vaft wealth of Britain has 
been obtained, by induftry, amidlt wars, taxes, and 
debts. One of the great objects of this eftimate is 
to trace the progreis of all thofe ; and to fhow their 
ftriking effe6ls : And, the invigorating refult is, that 
every war, as the experience of fix long wars has 
demonftrated, left the people more induftry, more 
manufactures, more commerce, and more wealth, than 
they enjoyed, at the commencement of each. Wh}^, 
then, {hould doubt embitter the enjoyments of the 
prefent, or apprehenfio7i make us fear, for the fuc- 

• From the General Poll-office, there were paid into the 
Exchequer, 

in 1 79 1— £. 325,500 ; in 1 79i--'£, 340,484 ; 

1793— 384.000; in 1794— 392,000; 

1795 — 421,000; "in 1796— 44*2,000; 

1797 — 500,000; in 1798 — 632,000; 

1799 — ■ 683,000; in 1800 — 699,000; 

1801 — 716,000; in 180*2 — 935,000: 

cefi 



346 AN ESTIMATE OF 

cefs of the future. Thus, knowledge, gained by 
trial, and practice, may induce us to cry out, witij'. 
the poet, 

*' Britain, the queen of ides, our fair polTefljon, 
^* Secur'd by nature, laughs at foreign force: 
** Her fhips her bulwark, and the fea her dyke ; 
^* Sees commerce in her lap, an^ braves the world I** 



Chaf* 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 347 



Chap. XY. 

The Peace of Amiens had a veryjhort Duration.r^ 
The War of \%OZ.—The Strength of the United 
Kingdom, at that Epoch ;■ — From its Conjolida- 
tion, by the Union ; —from its Populonfnefs ;— 
from the Number of its Fighting Men \—from 
from its Shipping \— from its Na^oy^—from its 
permanent Revenue \— from its War Taxes :-^ 
Its Domefic Improvements : — Its Corn Trade,— 
State of England.— State of Scotland.— State of 
Ireland. — The lojfes of their Trade, from the 
War. — Of their Circulation. — The Bank of 
England. — Exchanges. — The general Prospe- 
rity, amidft malignant Iloftilities. 

THE peace of Amiens, which had been defired 
by the nation ; which had been approved by 
the parliament ; and which had brought refpite to 
all; was, however, of fliort continuance. The re- 
pofe, ihort aS it was, which it brought, was of great 
importance to the people, and the public. It was 
perhaps an obJ€6l of ftill greater moment, to fatisfy 
all parties, from a6lual experience, that with fuch a 
ration, and fuch a government, it is impoffible to 
preferve, for any length of time, an advantageous 
peace. 

After a feveriih truce of a twelvemonth, we were 
compelled, by neceffity, to enter, in 1 803, into the 
feventh great war, fmce the Revolution. After all 

the 



348 ATf ESTIMATE OF 

the exertions of the long courfe of hoftihties, whichv 
had juit been cloied, the nation was never more 
able, or ardent, for the renewment of warfare. The 
iflands of Great Britdin, Ireland, Man, Guernfey, 
Jerfey, and Sark, contained three millions of fight* 
ing men, who were animated by a fenle of their 
rights, and their wrongs, and invigorated by free- 
dom. 

The population of Great Britain, as found by enu- 
meration, in 1801, is - 10,942,646 

Of which, one-fifth is the 

fighting men - - - 2,188,525 

The population of Ireland 
was eftimated, during 
the Union, at - - - 4,000,000 



The fighting men - 800,000 

The whole people of the 

United Kingdom are - 14,942,646 
Of whom the fighting men 

are 2,988,529 

The fighting men of the other ifles 1 1,47 1 



The whole fighting men - 3,000,000'' 



The 



* A more minute ftatement of tb« national force of Great 
Britain, appears from the general abltrad of the fubdivilion 
rolls, fo far as the fame can be at prefent made up, from the 
returns tranfmilted to the fecretary of flate» in conlequence of 
the General Defence A<St, 15th February, 1804. The numbers, 

la 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 349 

The certainty, with which we now know all thoie 
fatisfa^lory details adds greatly to the efficient force 
of the Itate. During feme of our former wars, as 
we have feen, the pertinacious difputes, with rerpe6t 
to our real population, greatly enfeebled our real 
powers. The triumphant end, which has been put 
to all thofe difcuffions, by a6laal enumeration, con-^ 
tributes greatly to our effeclive force, by the confi- 
dence of certainty. It had become a fort of maxim, 
that, money is the iinews of war. Yet, recent expe- 
rience feems to demonftrate the fallibility of fuch 
fayings, in favour of thofe, who reafoned in a dif- 
ferent manner. " I agree with Machiavel, fays 
" the great Lord Bacon, in his Advancement of 
•* Learmng, in condemning the opinion, that moneys 
** were the fmews of war ; whereas the true Iinews 
" of war are the fmews of mens arms, that is, a 
** valiant, populous, and military nation." 

When 

In the ift Clafs, effedive, 444,086 
adClafs, D« - 110,966 
3d Clafs, D» - 174,109 
4th Clafs, D'' - 613/02 

The total number eifeiftive 1,342,763 

Clergy, Liceiifed Teachers, Me- 
dical Men, and Conftables ^ 24,885 
Infirm - - - - - 90,938 



Voluntary Service - - - 406,780 
Enrolled in Parities out of the 

Counties - - - . 2,82a 
Army, Mariners, Volunteers, Sea 

Fencib.le* - . - . 139,4.71 



549»o73 



350 AN ESTIMATE OF 

When the ftatefmen on the continent faw, duriho' 
the late war, that our money could not command 
armies, they fuppofed, that there was a limit put 
to our power, whatever our revenues might be. 
During the prefent war, the world has feen the 
nation, as one man, take arms, to defend their liber- 
ties, and avenge their wrongs. The ftatefmen^ 
on the continent, mull now behold what Lord 
Bacon wiihed to fee, the kingdom, enjoying the 
truefmews of war, as a "valiant y populom, and mli^: 
tary nntion, 

' The eireQ:ive force of the whole was thus ftated, 
hi Parliament, on the 9th December, 1803 : 
Volunteers in Great Britain - - - - 340,000 
in Ireland - - - - i - 70.000 



The Volunteers of both - 410,000 
The Officers - - - - 20,000 



The whole - 430,000 
The Regular, and Militia Forces, 

in Great Britain - - 130,000 

in Ireland - - - - 50,000 



The whole, Regulars and Militia - - 610,000 
The Sea Fencibles -.-.-- 25,000 



The whole Force - - 635,000 
The Army of Referve, which had not yet 
joined -.------- 27,000 



The whole Land Force 662,000 

When 



rat STRENGTH OF Ot BRITAIN. ^S^ 

When to thofe numerous bodies of men are 
^dded 120,000 failors, for navigating our fleets, 
with a productive revenue, for putting all thofe in 
motion, the world, perhaps, never beheld before fo- 
great a force. 

That the numbers of our people, thus warlike, 
and enterprizing, continually increafe, is a fa6t,wiiicb^ 
fmce the enumeration of 1801, cannot polfibly be 
doubted. This is a circumftance, which adds greatly 
to the national ftrength. For, a greater number of 
people can fuftain a greater quantity of debt ; a 
greater number of induftrious, knowing, commer- 
cial, and money- making people, can with eafe pay 
greater taxes : and hence, it is demonftrable, that the 
continued increafe of the people has the neceffary 
effed of leffening the national burden, and of miti- 
gating the preifures of war. 

The late war, which the peace of Amiens brought 
to an end, was the necefiary means, under wife 
management, of uniting to us, in Ireland, upwards 
of four millions of fellow fabjeCis. Ireland till 
now formed, like the revolted colonies, a balance 
to our power, rather than a fupport to our ilrength. 
United Ireland is of more real w orth to Great Bri* 
tain, than the conquered countries to France. From 
experience, we know, that our people increafe in 
numbers ; from fa6t, that they increafe alfo in 
knowledge, in induflry, and in wealth ; from detail, 
that they have now more manufactures, ihipping, 
,and traffic ; from record, that they have improved 
the farface of their iflands, during the late war, be* 
yond all example. Thus, every proof concurs to 

evinc% 



35^ AN EStlMAtE OF 

evince, that the people were never more prolperous, 
and that the united nation was never more able to 
enter into a vigorous war, than in 1 803, when the 
French government made a freih attack at once 
upon the liberties of the people, and the indepen- 
dence of the crown * If we combine, indeed, the 
whole foregoing documents together; if we confider 
the fair inferences deducible from them: if we resfard 
the experience of the pait; there is abundant reafon 
tx> believe, that the united kingdom, if they were 
lefs actuated by moderation, might carry on an ad- 
vantageous war againft a reftlefs enemy, for ever. 
As we commenced hoftilities on a larger peace 
eftablifhment of forces, than this country had ever 
provided, till a new neceffity called for additional fecu- 
rides, amidft a captious peace, with a reftlefs neigh* 
bour, we were more prepared, for prompt attack, and 
fucceisful hoftilities, than we had ever been, in the 
firft years of any former war. 

We began the war of 1756, with France, when 
the whole exports of the furplus products of this 
countr}^ amounted only to ;^. 12,371,916, which 
were tranfported in 524,710 tons of fhipping; and 
when the whole cuftom-houfe duties, which were 
paid into the exchequer, amounted merely to 
;f. 1,763,314. We commenced the war of 1793, 

*In the year, ended on the 5th of January 1803, the confo* 
Mated fund yielded ;(^. 32,423,605. 9*.; while the whole 
charge thereon was £. 25,667,514. 19*. and hence the furplus 
appears to have been £.6,756,100. ios. This alone forms a 
real deraonftration of the opulence, and profperity of the 
people. 

when 



^nt STRENGTH OF G. jgRtTAlK. 353 

when the whole cargo of exported commodities 
"tvere valued at £. 22,585,771, which were tranfport- 
ed m 1 ,493,757 tons of lliipping Britiih, and foreign ; 
and when the whole cuilom-houfe duties, that were 
paid into the exchequer, amounted to ;^\ 4,000, 000. 
We began the war of 1 803 with France, when the 
whole value of our furplus produ6i:s exported was 
not lefs, according to the cuftom-houfe eftimate/ 
than 44,110,897 fterling pounds; which were 
tranfported, in 1,926,745 tons of fliipping, Britiih, 
and foreign; and, when the Avhole cuftom-houfej 
duties, that were paid into the exchequer, amounted 
to £'6,o^'j,s6g, fterling money. We had, in fa6l, 
belonging to the Britiih people, in 1792, accord- 
ing to the regiiter, 16,079 Ihips, which carried 
1,540,145 tons, and were navigated by 118,286 
mariners. In 1 802, we had, according to the 
fame regifter, 20,568 fliips, carrying 2,128,055 tons* 
which were navigated by 154,530 mariners: and, 
it thus appears, that we had acquired, during the 
preceding war, an augmentation of 4,489 velTels, 
carrying 587,910 tons, which were navigated by 
36,244 men. Add to all thoie Ihips the Navy of 
England, confilting of upwards of 1 1 00 velTels of 
every fize; whereof 150 of the line, and 280 fri- 
gates ; which have broken the fleets of the enemy ; 
which only requires to fee the lliips of the foe, to 
deftroy them ; and which blockade the leveral fleets 
of inimical Europe. From thofe details, then, it is 
demonftrabie, that the United Kingdom was far 
more powerful, in every thing that conititutes energy 
and effort, than at the commencement of any 
former war. 

A a But, 



^^4 A^ ESTIMATE OF 

But, to put in motion all thole Ihipping, both of 
the merchants, and of the King, required a vail fum 
of money. The (hips of the merdiants were navi- 
gated, by their commercial capital : and the King's 
Ihips were fitted, fed, and fought, by the public re- 
venue, to an immenfe amount. Thefe intimations 
lead on to a curfbry confideration of the public in- 
come, and fupplies. It is fufficient for our prefent 
purpofe to ftate it, as a fa61;, that during the fix 
years of the prefent war, ending on the 5th of Ja- 
nuary 1809, the public expenditure of Great 
Britain, amounted to .£-395j945,599 ; whereof 
jf. 166,445,052 arofe from the funded, and un- 
funded debts of the ftate, and ;{■. 229,701,647 froni 
all other public fervices : of thofe vaft fums, 
£.224,403,222 were raifed hy the ordinary reve- 
nue, and other incidental payments into the exche- 
quer of various kinds; ;£. 92,240,000 were railed 
by extraordinayy war taxes; ;^. 81,168,418 were 
raifed by loans, which were added to the funded debts 
of the ftate; and ^T. 3,500,000, were advanced by 
the bank, without any interelt, or charge, for fo large 
a fum. But, it ought, at the fame time, to be recol- 
le6led, that a Jinking-fund of mighty powers then 
exifted in full force^ for the redemption of the public 
debts: On the ift of February 1803, the fmking- 
fuiid of Great Britain amounted to >C- 5334^986 : 
On the ift of February 1810, the fame linking-fund 
had increafed to ;f. 10,509,392,* Thole ieverai 

, finking 

* For the debt qX Ireland, payable inJGreat Britain, there 
exifted, moreover, on the ift of February 1803, a finking- fund of 
jf. 25 8,4.34: The fame finking-fuud had iucreafc.d-i)efore the 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIST. 355 

finking-funds gave great facility to finance, and 
contributed ftill more to the ftrength of the ftate. 
By fuch vaft ftatements, the mind is filled, but no* 
overpowered : it perceives how much has been 
done, by the eafieft means.* It was about the year 
1 797, that the new, and beneficial fyftem began of 
impofing aids, contributions, income duties, and 
convoy duties, which have been denonninated war 
taxes. That new fyftem of finance was propofed by 
Mr. Pitt, was adopted by parliament, and was fub- 
mitted to. by the people : and, it has been already 
intimated, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
the Commons, and the country, all merit immortal 
commendation, for approving a meafure, which has 
been the great fupport of public credit, and of pri- 
vate property. When the prefent war began, it 

ift of February i8io to £743,588: The Emperor's debt, 
which WAS guaranteed inBritain,had a finking-fund annexed to it 
of jf. 47,947, at the firft period, and of ^f. 67,303, at the fecond, 

* It is a fa<5t that, if the fum, which has thus been raifed by 
the "War taxes; during the firft fix years of the prefent hoftilities, 
had been added to the loan of each year, a further charge 
would have been incurred of £. 132,969,000 capital flock, and 
;f-^»755>ooo of annual charge, taking the rate, whereat fuch 
loans were actually raifed, in each year: but, if fuch, fo 
augmented had been raifed, at a rate, as much exceeding their 
adual rate, as thofe raifed in the three years immediately pre- 
<ieding the impofition of war taxes, during the late war, did 
during the remainder of the war, an additiontil charge would 
have thereby been incurred of ;^. 40,000,000 capital (lock, and 
£. 1,604,000 annual charge ; making in the whole, by fuch mif- 
managemetit, an additional debt of £. 173,000,000 capital 
ilpck, with £. 8,360,000, annual charge, which muft have beeft. 
raifed, by permanent taxes, on the country. 

A a II added 



35^ AN Estimate of 

added a great additional ftrength to the ftate, that 
fuch a fyftem of tinance had been previoufly adopted, 
approved, and familiarized to thofe, who were to be 
chiefly afFe6:ed by its operation.* And thfs cireum- 
ftance brought great facihty with it, as well as added 
much to the ftrength of the ftate ; lince every thing 
new is uiually obftrucled, and every thing familiar 
is eafily admitted. 

Yet, thofe vaft operations, in finance, could not 
have been performed, and thofe vaft taxes could not 
have been impofed, but among a profperous people, 
whofe induftry was a6live, and whofe means were 
progreflive. We have feen how much foreign trade 
Great Britain enjoyed, when the war commenced in 
1803, more than this nation enjoyed before, eidier 
in war, or peace. So much foreign trade could 
not have exifted, without vaft manufa6lures, at 
home. And, vigorous manufa6lures could not have 
been carried on, if our agriculture had not been in a 

* Of permanent taxes, there were raifed, during the prefent 
v/ar, before the 5th of January iSog, £. 3,678,723 ; none being 
impofed ia 1807. Of war taxes, there were raifed, during the 
fame period, j^. 20,133,687, none being impofed, in 1807. In 
fa6l, the permanent taxes of the year 1808 amounted to 
£' 32,158,451, of the year 1S09 to /. 33,544,349 ; the annual 
taxes amounted, in 1808, to j^. 45929,790, and in 1809 to 
£. 4,920,760 ; the war taxes, in 1 808 amounted to jf .20,29 1,797, 
and in 1809, to ^f. 20,798,145 : and thefe feveral amounts, 
(how the abilities of the payers, as well as the vigilance of the 
management : but the furplus of the confdidated fund, amciunt- 
mg, on the 6th of April 1810, to X- -'233,051. 16. 6, evinces 
at once the great confumptioa of the people, and their ability 
toconfume* 

healthful 



THE STUENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 357 

healthful ftate of annual melioration.* It is one of 
our peculiar felicities, that the foe never fets his foot 
on this enviable ifland. Every one purfues his 
-avocations, as if hoftihties did not exift. Our agri- 
culture, manufa6tures, and our trade, run on, in their 
feveral channels, as if profound peace fhed her 
various bleffings on a happy land. And public, as 
well as private works, which emulate the Roman 
labours, are carried on with as little interruption, 
amidft ^' fierce alarms, " as if we enjoyed the pro- 
foundeft quiet ; as if " the European world lay 
bullied in peace." Proofs of all thofe intimations, 
^and reafonings, may be found in the fubjoined 

Table; 

* From the fta;tute baok, it appears that, in the 8 years, 
cndittg with 1792, when peace exifted, there palTed, for dividing, 
inclofing, and draining common, and marfh lands 245 laws : 
In the 8 years, ending with 1800, there paffed for the iame 
falutary ,cnds of agriculture, 589 laws: and, in the 8 years? 
ending with 1809, during the prefent war, there paffed, with 
the fame wife defigns, 757 laws. Can there exift a doubt, 
Jthen, whether mx agriculture was adive, during the prefent 



A a 3 



358 



AN ESTIMATE OF 



Tab'lz; ffiewing the number of ai^s of parliament, whieh pafTed in the 
eight years, ending with 1 809, for making, and mending roads, and 
bridges ; for forming canals and harbours ; for dividing, inclofing, and 
draining lands; and for eftablifhing various parochial, and urban improve- 
ments, in Great Britain; compared with two previous periods, of eight 
years each : — 





e5 


CO 


to 



CO 


1 


^0 



r1 


'■6 


00 


i 


00 


CO 


i 

! 

c. 


CO 


< 


Total of 8 
Years, 

ending 18OO 


3 2^ 

r- S 


Roads and Bridges, - 

Canals, Harbours, &c. 

Dividing, Inclofi } 
and Draining* - S 

ParochiaI,and Urban? 
Improvements -^ 


49 
14 

105 

12 


60 
16 

111 

17 


49 
11 

57 
10 


41 

75 
10 


43 

19 

85 
33 


54 
17 

98 
21 


52 
9 

94 
17 


71 
19 

132 

21 


419 
127 

757 

141 


341 
132 

589 
62 


302 
64 

245 
139 




180 1 204 


127 


148 


180 


190 


172 


243 


1,444 1 1,124 


750 



* The numerous adls, for dividing, inclofing, and draining, apply only 
to England and Wales. — In Scotland, fuch improvements are carried 
mto efFedl, under an exifting law of old authority. 



But, of all thefe purfuits, in peace, or in war, 
agriculture muft be allowed to be of the fird im- 
portance ; as all the arts depend on its fuccefs for 
their fubfiftence. This confideration led to a very 
full inveftigation of this interefting fubje6fc, fome 
while ago, when years of fcarcity, and high prices, 
had prefled upon the people. f To thofe ample con- 
fiderations^ I will now beg leave to add fome 



f See before, p. Zi 1 to 337. 



fopplementarj 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. ^^ly^ 

fupplenientary notices, and a few more tru'tfms. 
The laft year of the laft century was the epoch of 
dearth, when the prices of corn rofe uncommonly 
high, and the amount of importations was unex- 
ampled. 

The firft year of the prefent century continued a 
period of ftill higher prices, and perhaps of even 
greater impoytation of corn. * The prices and the 
importations, both fell very much, in 1802, and in 
1 803 ; when they were both, as low, as they can 
ever be expe6ted, in fuch a country as this. The 
prices, and the importations began to rife, a little, 
in 1 804 ; and both have continued rifmg, down to 
the prefent year. But, all thofe truths, whether 
happy, or adverfe, will appear molt diftin6lly to the 
more curious eye, from the following 

Table ; 

* The gfeateft nominal price of wheat, which had ever been 
felt, in this country, was that of 1800, when the average price 
in Englaad and Wales, of middling wheat, rofe to ^^.5, 13. 4, 
per ftatute quarter ; and there were imported, in the fame year, 
2,259,379 quarters. I have faid the greatcji nominal price ; 
as during the dear years, at the end of the preceding century, 
the real price of c^rn, was dill dearer, and the diftrefs, from 
want, w^s much more, taking into the account the higher value 
of moneys 



A a4 



360 , AK ESTIMATE Of 

Table; fbewing the average prices of middling wheat per 
ftatute quarter^ in England, and Wales, with the official values 
pf the importations, anc? exportations, of all corn, flour, and 
meal, into and from, Great Britain :* 



The years. 


The price of 
wheat. 


Value of imports. 


Value of exports. 


~' 


*. d. 


^• 


£■ 


1801 


118 3 


3»o32,277 


69,940 


1802 


67 5 


1,400,901 


313,222 


1803 


56 6 


934,567 


192,217 


1804 


60 X 


1,201,319 


2^5,683 


1805 


87 10 


1,834,906 


180,654 


1806 


79 — 


813,780 


101,417 


1807 


73 3 


1,124,300 


75,747 


1808 


7^ ^ 


484,040 


173,031 


1809 


95 7 


3,473^12 


78,30^ 



This tcihky which may be confidered, as fupple- 
meqtary to the foregoing, and on the fame fubjeO:, is 
interefting, and inftruftive. f The colurpn of prices 
undoubtedly reprefents thcfeafons, which very much 
regulate the rife, and fail of the rates of buying and 
felling: We perceive, that the dear years of the lafc 
century continued, in 1801 : We may fee how much 
the fine fes^fons of ? 802, and 1803, reduced the 
prices, and the importations, during thefe years : 
And, from the year 1803, to the prefent, the feafons 
have progreffively raifed both. The value of im^ 
portations f^ems to be influenced by the neceffities, 
or the apprehenlions of the year; and the value of 
exportations is moved by the demands, and the fup- 
plies of our Weft Indies^, and foreign garrifons. The 
year 1 809 was a leafon of high price, and large 

* The prices of wheat were fettled, by Mr. Catherwood, the 
Receiver of Corn Returns ; the value of imports, and exports,j 
were furnifhed^ by Mr. Irvnig, the InfpeAor General. 
t See it; before, p. 322. 

i^^portation : 



THE STtEI^GTH OF G. BRITAIN". 361 

Importation : and, yet the import of wheat was only 
54,565 quarters, from Ireland; and 244,454 
quarters, from foreign parts ; or about -V part of the 
bread corn, w^hich is annually confumed: And, the' 
great import of grain, confifts of oats, which 
amounted, in 1809, from Ireland, to 782,039, and 
from foreign countries 296,911 quarters, making 
in all 1,078,950 quarters. There were imported 
into London, during 1 809, of wheat 293,3 10 quarters, 
whereof there were, fi^om Ireland, 765 quarters, ancj 
from foreign parts, 163,422 quarters : of oats, there 
were brought into London, during the fame year, 
986,559; whereof, from Ireland, only 78,570 quar- 
ters, and from foreign parts, 278,860 quarters. We 
may thus perceive, then, that though London be the 
great market^ Ireland fupplies it with little, and 
foreign countries not with a great deal. But, we are 
not to fuppofe, that the whole of thofe importations 
of grain is confumed in London ; No; much is fent, 
during dear years into the interior country, by the 
Thames, and the Paddington Canal; and much is fent 
to Keiit, and EiTex, which are two corn counties. 
This laft circumftance opens to view a policy, which 
probably prevails, throughout the whole nation : 
Thofe counties fend their wheat to London, and 
carry back oats to the country, in return : We 
may thus fee, that the growers of corn may be en- 
tirely trufted with their own interefts : They raife 
fuch beafts, as are moft beneficial ; and they cul- 
tivate, in their rotation of crops, fuch corn, as they 
^udge to be moft profitable to them : Thus, from this 
freedom of choice, we may infer, tliat every thirg is^ 

rajfed? 



302 AN E.?TIMATE OF 

raifedyand grown, which is moft advantageous tothem- 
feives,and the{tate,amidit the changes of the world. 
In confidering, heretofore*, this interefting fub- 
je6l, it was intimated, that an eilablilhed fyftem of 
corn laws is beyond the power of human wildom : 
The feafons cannot be regulated, by ftatute ; nor can 
the depreciation of the pound fterling, or money of 
account be prevented by law : Now ; if the feaibns 
govern the donieftic fupply;and a corn law can only 
be made to operate, according to a given table of 
prices, ftated in the money of account, the pound 
fterling, with its aliquot parts, can be neither a 
meafure^ nor a medium, if fo to fpeak for the purpofe 
of argument, it have wojiability; fince all meafures, 
and all mediums, njuft mean fomething of fixednefs, 
or they mean nodihig. The corn a6t of i79it> 
which had been formed under tlie experienced eye 
of the late Lord Liverpool, appeared, by a dozen 
years experience, to have completely failed, as a 
eornfjifttm ; owing to the two overpowering caufes, 
which have juft been mentioned, the unfavourable 
feafons, and the unfixednefs of the ftandard of 
prices.:!: At length came a better feafon, in 1 802, 
^nd a ftill more favourable year, in 1 803 : and, the 
growlers of corn began to grudge the folace of the 

f See before, 329 — 31. 
* 31 Geo. 3. ch. 30. 

X See the table of prices, and the value of importations, 
which have juft been ftated. Malting, and diftillery, were pro- 
hibited till the 2sth of March 1 802, by 41 G. 3. ch. 16. Ireland 
\vas equally diftreffed, by the fcarcity of bail feaibns, and was, 
in the fame manner, relieved, by temporary llatutes, 41 G. 3^, 

confumers. 



tHE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 363 

confumers. This uncharitablenefs produced a new 
ftatute to regulate the import, and export of corn : 
This regulation confifted in raifing the prices, at 
whicli the importation of grain iliouid be allowed, 
and lowering the prices, at which exportation Ihould 
take place.* While this aft was in its courfe it 
was not perceived, that the favourable feaft)n, and 
low prices, of 1 803, had obftrufted importation to a 
great amount : Neither was it forefeen, that the two 
fubfequent years, as they were more unfavourable, in 
their fupplies, and prices, would promote the im- 
portation of corn, notwithftanding the recent regula- 
tions of an interefted a6l. Such confiderations did 
not prevent a new Itatute, to amend the former, f 
The feafons laughed at the folly of intereftednefs, 
in its continued endeavours, to perform impofii- 
bilities. 

At length, liberality interpofed, to make a com 
a6l, with fome fenfe for its principle, and fome utility 
for its effe6ls: and, there was pafled, on the r6th 
of July 1806, the Itatute for permitting the free 
intercourfe oicorn, with Ireland.^ As Ireland had 
been now confolidated into one kingdom with Eng- 
land and Scotland ; as the law of the land allowed 
the free communication, and tranfport of corn, 
throughout the whole extent of Great Britain; it 
followed, as a confequence of the Union, that the 
fame principle, and practice, Ihould be extended to 

♦ 44 G. 3. 109. 
t 45 G. 3. ch. 86. 
I 46 G. 3. 97. 

the 



364 AN ESTIMATE O? 

the united whole of the conlblidated kingdonic But 
intereit is an obftinate pafiTion : and, the growers of 
corn came forward, in the fubfequent year, when the 
prices had fomewhat fallen, in the home market, to 
declare, that they did not mean to include foreign 
gimn in the free intercourfe of corn, with Ireland*'. 
But, if the wifdom of the wife had cna6led, that the 
free intercourfe of corn, through any part of the 
united kingdom, was found policy, as well as real 
juitice; if national beneficence had determined, that 
it were fit, and juft, during the greateft fcarcity, to 
part our loaf, with our colonies, our fillieries, our 
garrifons, in diftant parts; the fame beneficence muft 
equally decide, that the fame fitnefs, and juftice 
extend to Ireland; and that the ftatute, which limits 
this juftice, and that fitnefs, to any part of the 
united kingdom, as well as the dominions to the fame 
belonging, is unfalutary, and fordid. 

Whatever fordid men may do, or think, it has 
become quite apparent, that the confumption of 
Great Britain is greater, than her own fupply. And 
to anfwer the deficiency, when the price of wheat, in 
JEnglandand Wales,had rifen, in 1809, to/. 4. 15J. 7^. 
per quarter, there was imported a one-and-twen- 
tieth part of the whole confumption. The whole 
importation of every fort of Grain into Great Britain, 
according to a three years average, ending with 1 809, 
iamounted to 1,1 94,36 i quarters; whereof there 
^ere fupplied, by Ireland, 614,240 | quarters; ^nd, 

* 47 G. 3.jch, 7, 

by 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BHITAIK. 365 

by other countries, under the exifting circumftances^ 
580,121 f quarters*. From the detail below, it 
clearly appears that, of the whole iupply of Great 
Britain, by importation, in thofe years, Ireland fur- 
niibed of wheat a httle more than one feventh part ; 
of barley nearly three fourths ; of oats much more 
than two third parts ; of rye about one thirty-fifth 
part ; of beans fornewhat lefs than one fixth part ; 
of peafe more than one thirty-fifth part ; and of the 
whole fupply more than one half; owing to the great 
proportion of oats: of all which, however, little 
comes into the great market of London, and Weft- 
minfter. Since foch a fupply, then, is necelTary, 
when the feafons are, in the ieaft, adverfe, and the 
prices rife, according to the produce of the feafonf 
it follows, as certain confequences of true policy, 



* The detailed Hate of that fupply, according to the three year* 
average, ended with 1809, was as under : — 



The kinds of Corn. 


From Ireland. 


From other 

Countries. 


The Total of 
both. 


Wheat, and wheat flour 
Barley, barley meal, malt 
Oats, and oatmeal - - 
Jlye, and rye meal - - 
Beans - - - - - 

Peafe 

Iffidian corn, and meal 


Qrs. 

46,598 
20,338|- 

543.774 

H5 

495 


Qrs. 
277'93i 

7,611^ 

252,573 

8,4"3 

14,661 

16,730 

2,212 


Qrs. 
3'2 4*529 

27,950 

795,347 
8,648 

17,451 

17,225 

2,212 


The Total . -■ - 


614,240^ 


580,121! 


1,194,362 



t The average prices of middling wheat, in England and WaleSj 
were, in 1807, 735. 3^/. ; in 1808, 795.; and in 1^09^ 95*. 7^^, 
as computed by Mr. Catherwood, 

that 



366 AN ESTIMATE OF 

that the cheaper the ihpply fo much the better, that 
the cheapnefs will refiilt much, from the certainty, 
and that the certainty of the fupply will much depend 
on the legal permiflion to import, and on the freedom 
of tranfmiffion, from one country to another, and 
from one diftriO; to another, without obftru6tion of 
any kind : If the wifeft men have advifed, that during 
every leafon, and at all times, corn may, and Ihall 
be fent, throughout the whole nation, without hin- 
drance ; in order that, the whole people ihould be 
fupplied, at the cheapeft rate, is it not equally wife, 
to allow the necelTary fupply to be imported, from 
every country, without any obftru6lion. 

But, it is in vain to fpeak of the neceffai^r^ fupply ^ 
without we know the ufual confumptioriy from fome 
rational eftimate : The very well informed author 
of The Corn Tracts, after all his correfpondence, and 
elaboration, failed in producing a fatis factory eftimate 
of the common confumption, as he knew not the 
numbers of confumers, after all his refearch, and dili- 
gence. Other perfons of lefs knowledge, and per*- 
feverancc, have failed, as might be expe6led, ftill 
more egregiouily. The enumeration of the people, 
in 1801, has fupplied what was fo much wanted, by 
the political economifts, not only the numbers of 
people, but their claiTes : and, other circumftances, 
and facts, which illuftrate the obfcure fubje6l of the 
confumption of claiTes, and individuals, have been 
collected, and afcertained, with more laccefs, though 
not with greater diligence, and attention, than fqrmer 
writers, on this interefting fubje61;. By the enume- 
ration of 1 801 , the people of England, and of Wale# 

app^rect 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 367 

appeared to amount to 9,343,578 : and, it has no\r 
been afcertained, that they confume, according to the 
various proportions of perlbas living in the country, 
and towns, every year, of wheat 7,71 (),0(:)^ quarters*. 
The whole confumption, of every clafs, fubfiftiiig on 

* Of the whole people, there lived, in towns, having more 
inhabitants than 1500, 'i,35^>773 fouls, who confuincd, yearly, 
»j, 7^ biifhels each - - - - - i,2og,/^j^ qrs. 

The arnr\y of 19^,351 confunne, at 9 bufhels, 
by each perfon - _ - . . ^23,145 

The navy of 126,279, at 9 bufhels to each 
feaman ------- 142,054 

The feamen, in the merchants fervice, 
144,588, re^iftered at 9 bufliels each failor - 162,662 

The convicls, anniounting to 1^10, at buftj- 
els each perfon - ^ - - - 1,580 

Of the people, 6,576,117, living in the vil- 
lages, and country, whereof two-thirds, or 
4,344,1 18, eat wheat bread ; and confiune 9 
bufhels each ------ 4,887,133 

There are confuL-ned, in niLiking It^rch, 
paftfs, and other purpofes - - - 90,000 

The whole confumption of thofe various 

perfons and caules - - - - 7,716,065 



The remaining third of the people, or 
2,172,059, who live in the country, and vil- 
lages, eat barley, oats, and rye. 

About 900,000 people, who eat barley, con- 
fume, at one quarter and three bufhels each, 
every year - - - ^ - , 1,237,500 

About 600,000 perfons, who eat rye, con- 
fume each one quarter and two bufhels - 750,000 

About 672,059 perfons, who eat oats, con- 
fume about two quar^'TS each - ■" • 1,344,118 



th< 



ggg AN EStlMATS OF 

the different kinds of grain, may i)e recapitulated, 
as foliows ; allowing to each perfon, two quarters, 
one bufheVand one peck : — 

In 1801. In i8og. 



Of wheat, there were "^ 

confumed - - 5 

Of barley - - - - 

Of oats - - - - - 

Ofrye - - * - * 

Ofpeafe - - - - 

Of beans - « - - 

The totals - - - 



Qrs. 
7,716, 100 

5,322,500 

5,960,000 

785,000 

205000 

180,000 



20,168,600 



Qrs. 
7,895,800 

5,430,000 

6,090,000 

785,000 

210,000 

190, 000 



To the above muft be added^e ") 
confumption of Scotland - y 

The total confamption of Great") 
Britain, in 180^ - - . 3 



20,600,800 



3,988,400 



24,589,200 



The firft column above, as it contains the eftimate, 
pn the numbers of people, in 1801, muit necelTarily 
fall ihort of the confumption of the year 1809: 
Suppofmg the people to increafe, at prefent, at the 
i*ate of fomewhat more than 25,000 a year, about 
200,000 muft be added, for the probable increafe 
between the years 1801, and 1 809; fo as to raile the 
whole amount of confumers, at prefent, to 9,544,000. 
In thofe eftimates, there was no allowance made, 
for the confumption, by diftillery. The annual 

averagj3 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 369 

average of the imports of grain, in the three years, 
ending with 1 809, amounts to fomewhat more than 
— part of the whole confumption of Great Britain, 
in 1 809. The annual average of the import from 
Ireland was, in thofe three years, nearly ^ of that 
confumption. The annual average of the whole 
imports from foreign countries, in thofe three years, 
is lefs than --V P^^^j ^''^^^ more than ^ part of that 
confumption, within Great Britain. 

Yet, all thofe various eftimates of the annual con- 
fumption of Great- Britain would be incomplete, 
without a fimilar view of the vaft confumption of the 
mighty metropolis of the Britiih empire, which is 
more than -^ part of the whole confumption of 
England and Wales. By an eftimate, which has 
been made, from a variety of ftatements, of the ufual 
confumption of various families, different individuals, 
and of public eftabhfhments, and from the fentiments 
of intelligent bakers, it appears, that the average con- 
fumption of each perfon, in the metrop/jlis, in bread, 
paftry, and puddings, is fomewhat under 74- buihels 
of wheat, in every year. By thus taking the average 
confumption, at 7^ buihels for each perfon, on the 
population of the metropolis, in 1801, of 864,845 
individuals, the whole neceffary confumption muft 
then have been 810,793 quarters of wheat, every 
year. If to this quantity be added what is yearly 
ufed, for Itarch, pafte, and other purpofes, amounting 
to 9,207 quarters; then, will the whole confumption 
of wheat, in the metropolis be 820,000 quarters, in 
1801. By taking proper mediums, by adverting to 
various fa6ts, and attendingto diiferent civcuipftances, 

Bb in 



370 AN ESTIMATE OF 

in refpeO; to the annual confumption of barley, oats, 
beans, peafe, and rye, the quantities of each yearly 
confumed have been afcertained, with fufficient pre- 
ciiion to anfwer the prefent eftimate : and, the necef- 
fary refult, from all thofe details is, that there was 
confumed, in London, Weftminfter, and their 
luburbs, of every fort of com, including the 
fiour, and meal, during the year 1801, the 
quantity of 1,722,800 quarters: but, as there 
was an increafe of confumers, in thofe diftri6i:s, 
during the eight years, immediately following 1801, 
it became neceffary to make the fame eftimate upon 
a greater number of perfons : whence, we have 
another refult, which (hows the whole confumption 
of the year 1809 to have been 1,762,100 quarters 
of eveiy fort of corn*: thus forming, as hath been 
intimated, rather more than -rV of the confumption 
of England and Wales. 

It is fufficiently known to all intelligent men, that 
both the confismption, and the fupply of corn, have 
undergone a great change, during the laft fixty years. 
In the preceding period, the confumption was but 
little, when compared with the export, while there 
was no importation^. In thofe daysj Ycarcity came 

but 



* The whole Confumption of the Metropolis may be detailed, 
as under : 



Years. 

In 1801 
In 1809 



Whe^t. \ Barley 



QRS. 

820,000 
838,500 



QRS. 

413,000 

4!2!2,30a 



Oata. 



QRS. 

461,520 
472,300 



Beans. 



ons. 

12,000 
12,300 



Peafe. 



QRS. 

11»000 
11,200 



Rye. JThe totals. 



5,300 



QRS. 

1,722.800 
1,762,100 



t Sir James Stuart, in fpeaking on this fubjed, with 9. 
reference to the dear year, 1757, when the quantity imported 



wat 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 37 1 

fciit feldom ; and much bullion was brought into 
this productive country, in payment for its corn fent 
out, under a bounty, which encouraged the export 
of it. Such was what is confidered by fome, as the 
happieft of all conditions, when corn is cheap, and 
money is plenty. Yet, this ftate of things, whether 
fortunate, or unhappy, foon after changed to a 
greater confumption, than the country could fupply*. 
This change took place, while the nation was the 
moft profperous. Owing to this courfe of prof- 
perity, we have more people, a people, more induf- 
trious, and a people, more opulent. During that 
profperity, the domeftic improvements of our ifland 
were carried forward to an unexampled extent ; and 
great quantities of land were thereby brought into 
tilth, which before lay common, or wafte. Oar 
agriculture was carried on with more ikili, and 
capital, and fuccefs, than it ever had been, when the 

was merely 151,74-3 quatrters of all forts of grain, which did 
not amount to ^'^ of the ordinary confumption of the people of 
England, and of Wales ; [being then 13,555,850 quarters, ac- 
cording to the author of the Corn Trads ;] and is equivalent to 
their fubfiftence, for 4 days, 2 hours, and 24 minutes. Political 
(Economy, 8** Ed. Vol. 1. p. 147. In 1800, the neceffary fupply 
from abroad, amounted to the ~ part of the whole confump- 
tion of the fame year: So great had been the change, in the 
confumption, and fupply, from abroad, fmce 1757. 

* When this change took place, fo as to be obferved, the. 
whole export of England may be taken, at ^.15,000,000 fterling 
a year; and the exports of the year i8og maybe taken at 
jf. 46,000,000 fterling : fo great a difference had meantime 
occurred in our trade, and in our opulence, during the inter- 
mediate period. 

B b 2 export 



372 AN 1?:STlMATt O? 

export of corn was the greateft* ; and this capital, 
and that (Icill, and melioration, produced a greater 
quantity of the fruits of the earth, even in a bad 
feafon, than were formerly raifed, in a good feafonf . 
It is not, then, that lefs is produced, than formerly ; 
but that more is confumed : and this ftate of things 
was gradually introduced, by the augmentation of 
the numbers of the people, by their change of por- 
tion, from the country to the towns, and by the in- 
creafe of their confumption of wheat, rather than rye, 
owing to their greater enterprize, and wealth. Such 
are the truifms, which refult from the foregoing 
fa6ts. 

We muft not complain of the comforts of a free 
people, who are a free fpending people. We cannot 
limit their confumption of viduals, whatever we may 
virtually do of their drink, by means of the CTcifeSy 
which produce abundantly. The queition, then, 
ariiingfrom this accurate view of ©ur domeftic affairs, 
is how to fupply the wants of the people, who do 
not ceafe to confume freely amidft fcarcity, and 
dearnefs. This is a very difficult queftion, between 
the growers of corn, and the confumers ; owing to 
the pertinacity of the one clals, and the impatience 
of the other. The pretenfions of the firft are much 
worfe founded, than the claims of the fecond. The 
ikopkeeper, who may live the next door to me, has 
no right to claim my cuftom, at any rate ; any more 
than the' baker, who lives two doors further, has any 
pretenfion to my confumption, while another baker,- 

* See before p, 312 — 32. 
t lb. 315. 

in 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. ^j£ 

in the next ftreet, fells better bread, on cheaper terms. 
If thefe reafonings be juft, the growers of corn have 
no very valid right, to claim the exclufive fapply of 
the domeftic market, which they are unable to fill 
with fuflfiicient quantities ; and are unwiUing to fell, 
at adequate prices : and, we are thus led to concur 
with the juft dedu6lionof doftor A. Smith, when he 
fays ^'the unreftrained freedom of the corn trade, as 
** it is the only effedive preventive of the miferies of 
** famine ; fo is it the beft palliative of the inconve- 
■ ' niences of dearth*." 

We are thus led forward to take a flight view of 
the commercial affairs of Scotland, which, in every 
age, has partaken of the profperity, or decline of 
England. Scotland, as we have feen, did not feel 
the benefits of the Union, for upwards of forty years. 
The recent profperity of Scotland began mucn about 
the time, with the profperity of England. The agri- 
culture of Scotland, at leaft in the Ibuthern fhires, 
has been carried up, by ikill, and diligence, to a 
high ftate of perfection : and the rentals of the 
landlords, and the conjforts of the tarmers, have kept 
an analogous pace, with the progrefs of her huf- 
bandry. Tlie manufactures of Scotland have run an 
equal race of prolperity. And, her trade, domeltic, 
and foreign, has continued an ouward coarfe, what- 
ever obftru6tions tjme, and chance, have oppofed to 
her progrefs- Scotland did not feel much the bank- 
ruptcies of 1793 ; and ihe (till lels felt the alarm of 
the invafion, in 1797, or XiiQ confequent diftrels of 

* Wealth of Nations ii, 297. 

JB b 3 the 



374 AN ESTIMATE OF 

the commercial world"*. There was, however, a flat? 
pefs in the amount of the export trade, in that 
alarming year, from which a fpirited people, and 
enterprizing traders, foon recovered. During the 
three profperous years, which preceded the war of 
1 793, the whole exports of Scotland were valued at 
^.3,762,823. After the chances, and changes of 
that war, Scotland, by effort, and perfeverance, more 
than doubled her exports, at the return of peace ; as 
we may perceive, from the eftimate of their yalue of 
her exports, in the three years of languiiliing hofti- 
lities, and captious peace, ended with 1802; amount- 
ing to ;^. 7,793,425. A new war began, in 1.803, 
which had, for its odious ends, on the fide of the foe, 
the facrifice of induftry to warfare, and the deftrusStion 
of trade, at the frantic call of infuriate enmity : yet, 
induftry, with the ploughihare in one hand, and the 
fword, in the other, was not to be alarmed And the 
whole circle of commerce moved, in Scotland, through- 
out this war againlt traffic, as if it had been con- 
dueled by the friendly hand of peace. And what 
prefcience forefaw became the refult, in fa6l ; in the 
three years of warfare, ending with 1 809, Scotland ex- 
ported to the enlarged amount of X- 9,936,280; fothat 

* See the evidence given by Mr. H. Thornton, before the 
Secret Committee of the Houfe of Commons, Report, 143. He 
faitl, that the palper circulation of Scotland was computed to be 
from £. i,aoo,ooo to JT. 1,500,000 ; and the quantities of 
guineas were fuppofed to be about 50,000 : and feven-eighths 
of the bank notes were fuppofed to be twenty, and twenty-one 
(hilling potes. The difficulties of that period appear to have 
little diftreffed Scotland, owing tp real liability, and prudent 
management. 

Jiepe 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN, 375 

here is afurplusof^f. 2,142,855 iterling value, more 
than the Tame country enjoyed, during the three 
captious years, ending with 1802*. But, had Scot- 
land as many Ihips, after feven years of war, as ihe 
poifeiTed, before this courfe of hoftiUties began? 
Yes : Scotland enjoyed 2,349 ihips, carrying 1 83,935 
tons, in 1 802 ; and 2,534 Ihips, bearing 206,075 
tons, in 1809, according to the regiiter. Such being 
the fair refult of all thofe details, it is impoffible 
for any one to fay, that Scotland has not profpered, 
during the war, which prognoftication foretold would 
involve her in ruin. 

We may moreover infer, from thofe details, that 
Scotland had more people than ever, more buiy 
people, who enjoyed more capital, and exerted more 
enterprize : and, by thofe means, they grew rich, 
while they paid their ufual taxes of peace, and 
the uncommon taxes of war. From all thofe 
intimations, we may perceive, that while fuch 
a people purfue their accuftomed induftry, and en- 
gage, with ufual enterprize, in the adventures of 
traffic, they may defy the enmity of the foreign 
dominator, who threatens, with frantic tone, the 
pofitive ruin of luch a people ! That a confiderable 
change has, meantime, taken place in the old habits 

* Such, certainly, was the refult of the general export trade 
of Scotland, (luring the prefent war I But, (he alfo enjoyed more 
of foreign trade, during this war, than flie poflclTed before 
hoftilities began : the whole value of foreign goods exported 
from Scotland, in the tv/o year* of peace, 1801, and 1802, 
amounted only to £.992,980: but, in the two years of war, 
l8o8, and 1809, Scotland exported, of foreign good? the 
iqcreafed amour.t of £. 1,325,248 ; Such, then, was the fad ! 

B b 4 of 



376 AN ESTIMATE OF 

of the Scotiih people, cannot be denied. Many a 
man now confumes wheat, who eat none before : 
and many a woman wears fhoes now, who wore 
none before. Thefe happy changes arofe gradually, 
from their becoming more induftrious, and more 
opulent ; and of coarfe more able to follow their 
propenfities, without the reftraint of former penury, 
or the valTalage arifmg from the will of a mafter. In 
Scotland, the ufe of wheat has increafed, and is 
every day greatly increafmg : the ufe of oats, for 
bread, is decreafmg ; but the eonfumption of oats, 
by horfes, is greatly increafmg : the ufe of barley, 
for bread, is diminifliing ; but, the ufe of barley for 
beer, whilkey, and other purpofes of brewing, and 
diftilling, is greatly increafmg : both the cultivation, 
and the ufe of rye, are decreafmg : the ufe of peafe, 
In bread, is decreafmg; but, the appropriation of 
peafe to the feeding of hogs, and other obje6ts of 
eonfumption, is increaling : the application of beans to 
the feeding of horfes, and of hogs is increafmg. All thefe 
alterations, in the modes of management, have arifen, 
by degrees, in proportion, as the people became 
much more eafy, in their circumftances. 

In forming aii eftimate of the yearly eonfumption 
of the Scotifh people, we muft recolieft that, in the 
lafc hity years, all orders of perlbns have left the 
country, and live in towns, where they fubfift more 
from the country than upon it, Scotland was found, 
by the' enumeration of 1801, to contaip 1,618,300 
people. By comparing the population of 1791, 
with the numbers, in 1801, there appears an increafe 
of 103,304 perfons, or 10,330 a year: and, at this 

rate, 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 377 

rate, it muO: have acquired 82,640, in the effluxioin 
of eight years, from 1801 to 1809: fo as to have 
carried up the whole confumers of Scotland to 
1,701,000. And, allowing 2 quarters, 2 buihels, 
and 3 pecks, or 1 f pounds to each perfon, the 
whole confumption of the people, in 1801, muil 
have been, exclufive of the legal diftillery, 3,799,130 
quarters : and according to the fame allowances, 
and refervation, the whole confumption of 1809 
mult have been 3,988,400 quarters*. Such, then, 
was the confumption of the people of Scotland, at 
fucceffive periods, who confumed, according to their 
change of habits, and their melioration of circum- 
ftances, from greater indultry, and more wealth. 

* The general totals of Confumption above, may be cuft into 
detail, as under: 



There 
■were eat, 

in tlie 
yrs 1801 

1809 



Wheat. 


Barley. 


Oats. 


Beans 

Qrs. 
25,000 
'-^6.330 


Peafe. 

Qrs. 

176,900 
185,700 


Qrs. 
3^23,000 
345,000 


Qrs. 
1,079,400 
1,133,370 


Qrs. 

tM 07,55- 
2,^13.000 



Rje. [Thetotals. 

Qrs. I Qr>. 
87, '^80; 3,7 9 9 130 
a>.000!3. 988,400 



Of, wheat, there were confumed, m 1801, for bread, paury, 
and puddings, 316,650 quarters ; and for (larch, pafte, and other 
purpofes 6,350 : Of the above population, 5/6ths confume oats, 
barley, rye, and peafe, at the rate of 9 buihels of oats, 3 buihels 
of barley, if bufnel of rye, and 1 budiel of peafe, each perfon. 
Of oats, there are alfo confumed by horfes, poultry, and by 
other animals, 590 quarters. Of barley, in addition to the 
people, as above, in beer, and fmuggled whiikey, 500,000 
quarters ; b}'' hogs, fowls, and other animals, 3,660 quarters, 
and for pot barley, 70,000 quarters. Of rye, in addition to 
what was confumed by the people, there were eat by hogs, 
poultry, and others, 3,000 qucn ters. in addition, to what was 
confumed, of peafe for bread, there were cor. fumed in loup, 
pudding, and by hogs, ^,3^7. And of beans, there were eat, by 
horfes, hogs, and other animals, 25,000 quarters. It was 
deemed neceffary to fubmit theie fpecificationb, after afcertain- 
ipg ipany fa^ls, and weighing many circumftaiices. 

After 



37§" AN ESTIMATE OF 

After this full difcufiion, with regard to the people 
of .England, and of Scotland, it may gratify a rea* 
fonable curiofity, to inquire a little, how it has fared 
with the people of Ireland, at various periods of 
their fuccellive fortunes. I have, however, no pur- 
pofe to en)ulate Sir John Davies, in difcovering 
^' The true caufes why Ireland was never brought 
" under obedience to the Crowii of England till 
** the reign of King James :" neither am I ambi- 
tious, to philofophize with Petty; nor defign I to 
elfay the in^provement of Ireland with Dobbs : I will 
not be fo fafhionable, as to delude, under the com- 
jnon pretence of inftru6ling the good people of 
Great Britain; and, as much has been written of 
late, with various value, for their intelligence, or de-^ 
ception, I will only hazard a few intimations ; with 
regaled to the domeftic economy of Ireland, from 
early times to the prefent*. When King William 
landed, in Ireland, he faid, unilieathing bis fword, 
*■ This is a country worth fighting for :" Bqt, as 
the prefent objeO: is legillation, rather than warfare, 
it may be added, that Ireland is an ifland, well 
worthy of national care. 

• I do not uaderftand the meaning of thofe pamphleteers,who 
profefsto convey inftruc^lion, yet write whole chapters concerning 
Englifh, and Iridi ftatutes, which he^ye been long fince lepealed. 
For very difierent information, the parliament ip-dys yearly 
£. 1,780, for the extraordinary trouble of making out the public 
accounts. I prefume to think that money well expended; as 
the information is of great value, and the more fo, as it is 
without a glofs. For fuch information too much cannot be 
given; but, for the other fort of inf«rqiation, deceptive as it is^ 
too little cannot be iriven. 

The 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 379 

The firft, who treated of '^ Ireland'' s NaturalHiftoryt, 

*■ being a true defcription of its fituation, greatnels, 

" ihape, and nature; with its promontories, har- 

'^ boars, roads, and bays," was Gerard Boate, 

Doeior of Phyfick, to the State, in Ireland, whofe 

curious work was publifiied, in 1652. Then came 

Sir William Petty, with his treatife, on the Ccelum, 

and Solum of Ireland ; ihewing the falubrity of the 

one, and the fraitfulneis of the other; and, there 

are more recent writers, who retail the fpeculations 

pi Boate, and of Petty, in more delufive forms; ** to 

•'^ infufe bad inliuence into the unwary breaft.'* 

Actuated by this principle, thefe retailers of old 

fafhioned goods forget to tell their cuftomers, how 

jnany ftormy ieafons the late Murdoch Mackenzie 

was employed, by the Engliili Admiralty, to make 

a maritime fiirvcy of Ireland ; and to give nautical 

defcriptjons, and direBions^. All thefe helps to the 

navigators of Ireland are now puihed aiide, by 

delalbry notices of a very different ibrt, that there 

are no hidden rocks on the Irifc coafts. Whatever 

there may be in this, there is a moral truth, which 

ought never to be forgotten, ports will not make 

trade ; but trade will make ports. 

The greatnpfs, and Jhape of Ireland did not ef* 
cape thofe vaftly intelligent men, Boate, and Petty. 
Arthur Dobbs, who in fenfe, and candour, is the next 
political anatomiji to Boate, and Petty, computed 
Jhe ajcea of Ireland to contaiq of plantation acresf 

* Mackenzie's. Maritimp Survetf was published, at London, 

11,043,642. 



S80 AN ESTIMATE OF 

11,042,642. Doctor Beaufort, by more minute 
inveftigations, has carried up the eleven millions of 
Dobbs to twelve miUions, Irijti meaiure, whicii is 
equal to 19,436,000 QlCVQS Englijh meafure^. By 
comparing the maritime cutlme ot Mackenzie, with 
the Engineer's Survey of Ireland, it will, at length, 
be found, that its fuperficies extends to 33,6^1 
fquare miles, or 21,523,840 itatute acres, which 
exhibit Ireland, in 9. larger point of view, than 
former furveyors fuppoied, ana itated. But, what 
does it avail, that Ireland is thus enlarged, and the 
coelum, ond Jolumy are excellent jfmce, in the lan- 
guage of Shaklpeare, 



ii , 11 . . . — Nought's had ; all's fpent ; 
♦♦ Where pur defire is got, ■without content*^ 

If the climate of Ireland had fpared Doctor 
Boate, he would have added two niore books ; the 
one, of all kinds of plants ; and * - the other, of ail 
^' forts of living creatures ;" and to have added a. 
fourth book, " concerning the natives of Ireland, 

• Memoir of t:he Map of Ireland, Sir W. Petty, ^vho fur^ 
veyed Ireland, fays, *' The whole territory of Ireland coniilis 
" of twelve millions acres, Englifli meaiure, of arable, meado\y, 
*' and good pafLure land; with ^bout two millions rocky^ 
♦' boiigy, e^nd fcrubby pafture, commonly, but falfely, called 
" 'unp'ojitable. The relt being abiolute bogs, lochs, rocks, 
" lands, iirands, rivers, and highways. Of ail which lands, 
■*' the yearly rent (the quit rent, and tithe excepted; was lup- 
*' poied to be £.900,000; and worth to a pmxhafer, 
■' £-9>^o^>o^o fterlmg." All this was laid, about the yeay 
1672, by the. bell informed man pf that age, perhaps of any 

^' and 



THE STREJJGTH OF G. BRITAIK. i^t 

** and their old faihions, laws, and cuftoms, as like- 
** wife, the great pains taken by the Englifh, ever 
*' fmce the Conqueft, for to civilize them, and to 
** improve the country." Much is the death of 
Boate to be lamented ; as he had great capabilities, 
for fuch inquiries*. Sir William Petty well fup- 
plied the failure of Doctor Boate. In his Political 
Anatomy, 1672, he ftated the number of people in 
Ireland, as about 1,100,000, viz. 300,000 Engliih, 
Wellli, and Scotiih proteftants: and 800,000 papifts: 
The laid 1,100,000 lived in about 200,000 houies.; 
whereof there were about 16,000 houfes, which 
have more than one chimney; about 24,000 that 
have but one chimney; and all the other houfes, 
being 160,000, are wretched cabins, without chim- 
ney, window, or door fhut, and worfe than thole of 
the favage Americans, and wholly unfit for the 
making merchantable butter, cheefe^ or the manu- 
fa6lures of woollen, linen, or leather. Thus far the 
intelligent Petty. Next came Colonel Laurence, 
who wrote on the domeftic economy of Ireland^ 
during the fame age : and, he complained, that it 
was impoffible to get the inhabitants of thofe 
wretched cabins, to work. In the fubiequent period, 
appeared, in the fcene, at Dublin, Arthur Dobbs, 
who, though he had not the original genius of Petty, 
was one of the beft informed men, in Ireland : and, 
he complained, that tliere were 34,425 itrolling 

• Gerard Boate, M.D. died at Dublin, on the 19th of 
January 1649-50. — Preface to Ireland's Natural Hiftoiy. 

beggars. 



3^2 AN ESTIMATE of 

beggars, in that kingdom*. He explained ti\i$ 
itriking inftance of mendicity, by remarking, that 
great numbers of the native Iri/h, in the moun- 
tainous parts of the kingdom, that have houfes, and 
fmall farms, by which they might very well maintain 
themfelves ; but, when they have fown their corn, 
planted their potatoes, cut their turf, and hired their 
cows, or fent them to the mountains, did then Ihut 
up their doors, and go a-begging, during the whole 
fummer, till the harveftf . This exhibits a fmgular 
itate of fociety; which, as it no longer exifts, 
evinces fome progrefs of improvement. 

The vaftly well informed Petty gives another view 
of the people of Ireland. The Irifli papifts, fays he, 
belides Sunday, and the 29 holydays, appointed by 
law, do, one place with another, obferve about 24 
days more, m the year, in which they do no corporal 
labour; fo as they have but 266 working days: 
whereas the protefcants, not ftri61;ly obferving all the 
legal holydays, by a total forbearing of labour, have 
in effe6l 300 working days, in the year, that is 34 

• He publiflied his Eflay on the Trade, and Improvement of 
Ireland, at Dublin, in 1729 : He was a member of the Irifli 
parliament; and had examined with care the cullom-houfe 
ledgers, and the public accounts. He died the^King's Governor 
of North Carolina. 

t His Eflay 47. He fays the fa6ls are undeniable ; as they 
had been confefled by fome of thofe,whohad been caught; and, 
he adds, that, by thofe means, and thieving, they picked up 
enough to pay their rent; and by the help of their cattle, corn,; 
and potatoes, lived idle the whole winter. 

days 



fHk. srRHNGtH OF G. BRITAI^^ jS^ 

days more than the papifts. On this head, Dobbs 
confirms, in the fubfequent age, the reprefentatioris 
of Petty, in prior times : he la^s, that he had ob- 
ferved in a popilli ahnanack, that the popiih holy- 
days were at leaft 49 more than the law aliowed ; 
confidering alio th^.t the common IriQi papifts keep 
St. Patrick's day, his Vvife &, and his wife's mother's, 
with many others equally ridiculous: thefe days 
are generally fpent in debauchery, and rioting, by 
thofe who ought to labour*. We may thus perceive, 
from the intelligent reprefentations of Petty, and 
Dobbs, that a proteftant is a better working animal, 
than a papift : and it thus equally appears, that ia 
points of policy, the hardeft worker is entitled to the 
preference. Another moral view may be taken of 
the Iriih people; as tiiey confiit of defcendaiits 
firom the Celts, or from the' Goths; the firft, even 
now, being a6i;uated by habits, much more than the 
laft, which indifpofe tiiem to fifhery, to navigation, 
to ihipping, and to induftry : and in this view of the 
fubjeO;, the defcendants of the Gothfe, as they are 
the molt induftrious, and enterprizing, are en- 
titled to preference, when the balance of policy 
hangs in doubtful fcales. Thefe diftin6iions, have, 
through many ages, had greater influence on the 
domeftic economy of Ireland, than thofe, who 
have only taken fuperficial views of the country, 
and people, have im.agined. Why is it, that 
there is (o little Ji/hing along the ill ores of Ire- 
land, and thcweftern coafts of Scotland, after fo 

* E0ay 96—7= 

iiiany 



584 -^^ i:stiMATE of 

ttiany laws have been paffed, and fo much money 
beftowed, for promoting it ? The anlwer muft be, 
becaufe the great bpdy of the people of both had, 
from their propenfities, an averfion from fea affairs. 
This alfo is the caufe. that Ireland, and the weftern 
coafts of Scotland, have fo few ihipping : and the 
parliament, like difcreet parents, perfevered in 
laudable endeavours, to change the wayward habits 
of fuch a people for better pra6lices, though without 
all the good effe6rs, that might have been expeded, 
from fuch wife policy : It was, therefore, unphilofo- 
phical, in fuch a ftatefman as Sir William Temple^ 
to tell us, that Ireland is better iituated, than Britain, 
for traffic, and fidiery. Any boy can carry a horfe 
to a pond ; but a man cannot make him drink. It 
is not the advantages of the country, from nature, 
that is the point of inquiry ; but, the feveral natures 
of the people, which difpofe, or indifpofe them, for 
the labours of induftry, and the enterprizes of 
trade. 

Ireland, during the long period of her fortunes, 
and misfortunes, has been inhabited by people of 
various principles, and of diffimilar numerofity ; as 
we may indeed learn from the intelligent pages of 
Petty. During the difputes about the populous- 
jnefs of England, it was the paffion, as we have 
feen, to diminifh the numbers of the people. At 
prefent, it is the practice of thofe Iriih writers, who 
are ambitious of inftrufting the dullards of Britain, 
to enlarge the numbers of the Irilh people ; to ex- 
aggerate the numbers of the papifts, and to dimi- 
nifh the numeroufnefs of the proteftants; as if fuch 

reprefentatioDS 



THE STRENGTH OF G, BRITAIN*. 385 

reprefentations did not difclofe the true caufe, why 
the Infti people enjoy (o few of the many good 
things, which refult from well dire6led indaftry. 
The people of Ireland have been lately eftimated, 
by various writers, with various views, to be 
4,000,000; to be 5,000,000; to be 6,000,000 : If 
there be, in Ireland, 700,000 houfes, with 5|- per- 
fbns in each; then, muft there be 4,200,000; if fix 
dwell in every houfe, then muft there be 4,900,000 ; 
and if there be 10, in every houfe; then muft there 
be 7,000,000 of people, in Ireland. Who fees not, 
that fuch exaggerations can only be correcled^ by 
enumeration. Meantime, we hear no more of the 
many perfons, who lived formerly in the wretched 
cabins, which had neither hearths, windows, nor 
doors'*. They may pay now the hearth money tai\ 
who never paid before ; and may live, by labour, 
who formerly exilted, by beggary. But, we are ftill 
informed, from the hearth-moliey record, that there 
are more than 3,000,000 of people, who live in 
houfes, having one hearth. It would be of great 
importance to know, who, and what rhey are, who . 
live in fuch houfes ; in order to judge of their effi- 
ciency, by their refidence. In the meantime, it 
may gratify a reafonable curiofity, to afcertain the 
fize of the chief towns of Ireland, which are the 
principal feats of its commerce. In this country, 
in w^hich large colleclions of people did not any- 
where exift, during ancient tlp.es, there are only 

* Yes; there are ftill returned upwards of 438,271 paupersy 

in Ireland. 

•> 

"^ , C Q four, 



386 AN ESTIMATE OF 

four, which contain more than 40,000 fouls*. The 
other towns are of a lower order; having much 
fewer people, with a fmaller number of fhipping. 
It is, perhaps, the principal infelicity of Ireland, 
which is undoubtedly a populous countr}% that the 
feveral claffes are not properly afforted, of rich, and 
poor, middling, and manyf. The detail below 
would be regarded, in any other country, than Ire- 
land, as reprefenting an unnatural ftate of fociety ; 
though in the returns of Dublin, we may perceive 
a pretty juft gradation of ranks. 

Ireland had been inhabited, a thoufand years, 
by a Celtic people, when they were invaded, by 

* Dublin contained i8a,ooo, who pofiTeffed 212 fliips, carry- 
ing 14,167 tons. 

Cork contained 73,000, who had 75 fhips, caiTying 
4,493 tons. 

Limerick had 45,000, who had 45 ftiips, carrying 
2,420 tons. 

Waterford had 43,000, who had 23 fliips, carrying 
2,250 tons. 

f From the following Return to the Houfe of Commonsj 
in 1792, we may fee the feveral claffes reprefented, with fuf- 
iicient accuracy, for the prefent purpofe. There were re- 
turned houfes of one hearth - - - - 483,990 
There were houfes of ^u)o hearths - - - 31,433 
There were houfse of ^/?ree hearths = • - 9,466 
There were houfes of /our hearths - - - 6,401 
There were houfes of ^i-e hearths . . - 4,355 
There were houfes oi Jix hearths - - - 4,235 
There were houfes off&ven hearths - - - 3,498 
There were houfes of eight hearths - - - 2,867 
There were houfes of m«e hearths = . - 1,738 
There were houfes of ^e« hearths * « / - ij263 

the 



fHE STRENGTH OP G. BRITAIN. 387 

the Gothic Eaftmen. From the fettlement of the 
Eaftmen, in their harbours, we might infer, that 
the ancient Irilh were a divided people, and Httle 
addi6ted to naval affairs, if their annals did not evince 
thofe unhappy peculiarities of their original habits, 
which ftill continue to operate. They fubmitted to 
Henry II. without much ftruggle*. When Henry 
departed, in 1173, he left behind him three dif- 
tin6l races of men: the old Irifli; the Eaftmen; 
and the Norman Englilh : and thofe feveral li- 
neages were left under an unhappy lyftem : during 
four centuries and a quarter, the fword was feldom 
fheathed: renewed warfare, or perpetual anarchy* 
domineered by turns, in a wretched land, till the 
acceffion of James I. introduced the rule of law, 
and tke energies of colonization. 

It is curious to remark, that the firft detail, which 
we have of the commercial matters of Ireland, is a 
poetical piece, entitled '* The Policie of keeping the 
Seaf ." The ingenious author fpeaks, like fonie, 

* There is, at this day, faith Sir William Petty, no monu- 
ment, or real argument, that, when the Iriih were firft invadedj 
they had any Jiofie hou/mg at all, any money, any foreign trade, 
any learning, but the legend of faints, nor any manufadure, 
nor the leaft ufe of navigation, or the art military. 

Folitical Anatomy, 

t See that very interefting document of the year 1437, in 
Hackluyt's Voyages, edit. 1598, vol. 1, p. 187. In chapter 
9th the Rhymer treats of " The Commodities of Ireland, and 
keeping thereof:'* 

" To keep Ireland, that it be not loll> 
** For, it is a boteraje, and a poft." 

C c 2 writers 



3S8 AN ESTIMATE OF 

writers of recent times, of the natural qualities of 
Ireland ; of her havens, and bays, fure, wide, and 
deep ; of its fertilitie ; of things that therein do grow, 
of mines of filver and goldy 

" For of filver and gold, there is the core 

" Among the wilde Irifli, though they be poore." 

The commodities, and chaffare of Ireland, 
he faid, and fung^ confifted of hides, ikins, 
Irifli wool, linen clothe, and other things of great 
worth, and value ; we may perceive, however, that 
her merchandize then confifted, chiefly of the rude 
produce of a fruitful foil, and of the hertes hideSy 
and other matters of venerie. Yet, this ancient 
commercial writer fays nothing of the balance of 
trade, on which fome theoriits continue to doat, with 
fond afFe6lion. 

As Ireland poiTeiTes the power of refufcitation, 
in a high degree, ihe proipered greatly, during the 
forty years, which fucceeded the complete fuppref- 
fion of Tyrone's rebellion*. King James afFe6ted 
to be the legiflative reftorer of Ireland. He cer- 
tainly built on broad foundations, when he intro- 
duced fo many new people into Ulfter^ from Scot- 
land, and of undertakers, from Englandf. A new 
people infufed a new fpirit of adventure ; though 
fuch a projeB could not be executed, without the 
difcontent of thole, who thought themfelves de- 
prived, and wronged. But, the fpirit of adventure 
being once roufed, in the north, extended itfelf to 

* Boate, throughout. 
t See the projeft, for the divifion, and plantation of Ireland; 
and Pynaar's Survey of Uliler, 1618= 

every 



THE STREXGTH OF G. BRITAIN. ^Sg 

every divifion of Ireland. One of the ways of gain- 
ing wealth, in that age, has produced the difadvan- 
tage, and deformity of Ireland, in the prefent : by 
iron-works, and the export of lumber, the coun- 
try was denuded of its woods*. Of fuch an 
ifland, it may eafily be believed, that many of the 
exports coniifted of the produ6ls of hulbandry, 
fome coarfe manufactures, among which I fee no 
linen cloth, till 1665, and the produce of fiihery : 
There was a great progrefs in the exports, I per- 
ceive, before the :25th of March 1641, with a de- 
cline of the timber trade ; and an enlargement of 
the exported products of agriculture, and manufac- 
ture. It is perfectly obvious that, forty years of 
plantation, induftry, and quiet, introduced many 
bleffings into Ireland, whatever grievances may 
have exifted, and outcries were made. 

But, the rebellion of 1641 ruined all. Tlie caufe 
of that civil war, Petty tells, with his ufual penetra- 
tion, and knowledge, to have been " the defire of 
*' the Roynamfts to recover the church revenue, 
" worth about £,, n 0,000. per annum; and of the 
*' common Irifh, to get all the Englifhmen's eftates ; 
*^ and of the ten, or dozen grandees of Ireland, to 
*' get the empire of the wholej"." Hiftory has re- 

* Boate's Nat. Hiftory. I have now before me a curious- 
document, exhibiting the exports of Ireland, in 1626; whereof 
were of iron 449 tons ; of lumber 557 tons ; of timber 
barrel ftaves 398,400 ; hogfhead ftaves 409 ; pipe Haves 25,000. 
The lumber trade of ii^land, in fome degree, coatinued even, in 
1669, though perfons, who have not looked into original papers, 
will fcarcely believe the faft. 

f Pol. Anatomy, 24. 

C c 3 corded 



SgO AN ESTIMATE OF 

corded the fmgular events : and Petty, with his accuf- 
tomed talent, has left us an Eftimate of the effects 
of the rebellion, in pecuniary value^. Yet, even 
the genius of this fmgular calculator could not 
eftimate, at leaft in pecuniary value, the perlbnal 
mifery, and popular diftrefs, of that rebellion. 

But, the reftoration cleared away the clouds, that 
hung portentous over the fate of Ireland. An a6l 
Qi fettlement ^ m\^ fecurity, was made, whatever 
furious fpirits might wifh, or do : and a refolu- 
tion feems to have been taken, in Shakefpeare's 
words : 

" We'll order well the State; 

** That like events may ne*er it ruinate/' 

Whether that refolution w ere kept, whether Ire^ 
land were well, or ill governed, hiftory, however 
written, muft tell. One truth is certain, that Ire- 
land will flouriih, in the abfence of violence, and 
warfare, of tumult, and rebellion. Ireland, in fa6i, 
did flourifti, after the reftoration, though certainly 
not fo faft, as ihe would have done, if there had 
not been all that wafte of men, and money, of 
perfonal wretchednefs, and georgical devaftation. 

* Political Anatomy: By the lofs of people {^, 10,355,000 

The lofs of their fitp€jiuct'atio?i of foldiers - - 4,400,000 
By ditto of people lofl, at £. 10. per head, for 

11 years, deducting 80 m. foldiers - - - - 6,000,000 

By impairing the worth of land - - - , . 1 1,000,000 

oftheftock --.----- 3,500,000 

of the houfing ------- 2,000,000 

The total lofs - .----. -£.37,255,000 

From 



THE STRENGTH OF G. ERITAIX. 39I 

t'rom very curious documents, which he before me, 
I know the yearly amount of that profperity, as 
far as it is teftified, by her trade, which was more 
in its total, than it had ever been, in any prior period. 
In the year, ended on the 25th of December, 1665, 
the value of the whole imports was cf- 336,043*. 
I am very willing to fay, in the true fpir'it of the 
Dublbt Society^ that ^.70,000 worth of tobacco 
imported might have well been fpared, as well as 
^.50,000 worth of wine. But, people will con- 
fume whatever they want, whatever focieties may 
fay, or legiflators may ena61;. During the fame 
year, the value of the .exports of Ireland amounted 
to £, 358,0771. To thofe details, were annexed 
fome obfervations, which are here fubjoined; as 
they illuftrate the domeftic economy of Ireland, in 
1665. Of all thofe exports about a moiety were 
fent to England ; as live cattle, fheep, wool, linen, 
and yarn, with fome other particulars : and, of the 

* The value of imports, from England, was of the amount 
of £. 200,450 ; and, from Foreign countries, £, 135,593 J making 
in all, -C- 336,043- 

t Of that fum the value of the produ6ls of Irilh agriculture 
amounted to ----------- ^. 309,808 

Of linen cloth - £. 590 7 

Of linen yarn 717,3853 ^7>975 

Of manufaftured iron --------- 1,116 

Of wood ------=•------ 2,384 

Oflkins (wild animals) -----_-. 2,687 

Offifti ----- --- 24,107 

The total exports ------- j^. 358,077 

C c 4 Other 



:S^'2 AN ESTIMATE OF 

Other exports, not above a fourth went to forelgti 
parts. We may fee above how many of the whole 
exports were the produds of agriculture, including 
fome woollen goods ; being about two-thirds of the 
whole*. The other third confifced of wood, Ikins, 
iron, linen, and fifh. More fiih, they could have 
fpared to the world, if they had had more people, 
nets, and other materials, to make themf . 

Before the vear 1681, the amount of the Irifh 
exports had rifen, from £. 358,077 to £. 582,814; 
and the imports from ;^. 336,043 to £-433,040, 
Such was the over-fea trade of Ireland, during the 
corrupt reign of Charles 11;}:. But, there were no 

infurre6lions, 

* The whole value of the produds of agriculture, in 1665, 
we have juft feen was - ^ -.,.-.. £. 309,808 

In 17S5, they amounted to ----- - 1,623,463 

Such being the increafe of this moft important branch of 
induftry, during 120 years! 

t Thofe documents, I found in the Paper-office ; having been 
fent to Mr. Secretary Williamfon, by Sir Peter Pett. 

X A little detail will fufficiently illuftrate the domeftic cir- 

cumllances of thofe times: In 1669, the Irifli Revenue let, 

during feveral years then paft, at per annum, for j^. 2 19,500 

In 1683, the grofs revenue amounted to - - - 300,280 

In 1684, the fame- --------- 319,167 

In 1685, the fame - --------- 317,962 

The calh, thus paid into the exchequer, 

amounted to ------- X- 798,628 

Which, at a medium, was, yearly, net - - £. 266,209 

Thefe 



I'HE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIK. 393 

iniurre6lions, to obftru6l the progrels of induftry ; or 
to withdraw the people, from their ufeful labours : 
and while the intereft of money was fettled at 10 per 
cent, they ftruggled with tiieir want of commercial 
capital, which, in the abfence of banks, is the great 
want, in the infancy of every people. 

While Ireland w^as thus profperous, in her domeftic 
affairs, however corrupt, and violent her government 
might be, the revolution occurred, in England, and 
a rebellion broke out, in Ireland. King James II, 
driven from England, at length found refuge in Ire- 
land. The warfiare, and devaltation, which now 
diftra6led, and ruined a wretched people, ceafed in 
06lober 1691, by the capitulation of Limerick. 
Thefe caufes had the moft baneful efFe6ts on the do- 
m.eftic induftry, and foreign trade of Ireland, what- 
ever influx of money there may have been, from 
England, and France, for paying the contending 
armies. Peace at home had, however, brought with 
it an increafe of the cattle, and Iheep, which had 
been deftroyed, and negle6led, during thofe fad 
confufions, which were followed, by forfeitures, and by 
emigrations*. The treaty of Ryfwick, in July 1697, 
put an end to the obftru6tions, from war abroad : 

and, 

Thefe details concur with the reprefentations of Petty, in 
blowing how few people, how little wealth, what fmall induftry, 
and what inconfiderable trade, exifted, during thofe times, in 
Ireland. 

* The following Statement of the Revenue of Ireland exhibits 
a true delineation of the wretched eflfefts of thofe difaftrous 
times : 

There 



394 AN ESTIMATE OW 

and; the induftry of Ireland, which had been debiH- 
tated, by fo many caufes, began to revive, and to 
exert its renovated powers of reproduction. We may 
perceive the happy effects, in the following State- 
ment: 

Of Exports, Of Imports. 
1016975 there were /;. 525,004 £.423,182 
lo 1698, 996,305 576,863 



An accurate eye may perceive, in thoie ftatements, 
how much the ceffation from war promoted the lan- 
guid exports of Ireland ; how little the want of 
T^'ealth, after thofe fad diftra8;ions, and the abfence 
of manufactures, promoted the imports. It is but 
an ill judged mode of eftimate, to confider the amount 
of the value of imjjoi'ts to be the meafure of a coun- 
ti'y's profperity. Arthur Dobbs perceived, that 
*' from the peace of Ryfwick, Europe began ta 
^^ breathe, after a heavy war, and trade to revive, 
" which occafioned a brifker demand for Irifli pro- 
*' vifions^." The intelligent Dobbs now goes on to 
tell, how much the Iriib woollen trade was obftru^ed, 
by the injudicious regulations of the Englifli Parlia- 
ment; how many manufaO^urers were obliged to 

There were only colle6led, 

OfgrofsRev. Of Inland Exeife. 

I» 1689 — £. 8,884. --£. 2,930 
In 1690 — 87,388 — 28,724 
In 1691 — 201,160 — 59,608 
In 1692 — 238,824 — 64,478 
In 1693 —224,131 ■— 76,237 
In 1694 —232,846 — 64,303 

* E% on Trade, 6. ' 

emigrate; 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 395 

emigrate ; and how much gain muft otherwife have 
been made, that would at laft have centered in 
England*. 

But, let us turn our attention, from the dreary 
wafte of war, to^ the more exhilarating views of 
domeftic meliorations, during a century of reno- 
vated populoufnefs, increafed induftry, and aug- 
mented capital. 

According to a three years average of the Exports, 
and Imports of Ireland, ended with 1701, the 

Val. Exports. Val, Imports. 

Amount was - - - £.779>^og £.726,55^ 

A three years average, end- 
ing with 1751, was - 1,856,605 1,497,437 

A three years average, end- 
ing with 1801, was - 4,100,526 5*591,503 



Such, then, is the animating view, which thofe 
refults furnifh of the rich effe6ls of Irifh induftry, 
during a century of domeftic conteftation, and foreign 
war. It will extend our profpe6l a little, if with 
thofe, who confider, that the gains of import are as 
great, as thofe of export; and that the amount of the 
whole over-fea trade is beft feen in the amount, both 
of the value of exports, and of imports, added toge- 

* The import and export trade, between England and Ireland, 
did certainly languifli, during the years 1700, 1701, and 1702, 
as we may learn, from the cullom-houfe books of London ; and 
began to revive in 1703, notvvithftanding the war, which, 
whatever Dobbs might fay, is rather favourable to the proviji on 
^rade, owing to the greater demand. 

ther. 



$g.§ AN ESTIMATE 0¥ 

flier, we Yiew both. Now; the total value of both, 

wm-cB^dmg, to a three years average, ending 

Total trade. 
With 1701, amounted to - - - j^. 1,505,668- 
The three years average, ending with 

1751, was -».-.-. 3.554,042 
The three years average, ending with 

iSoi, was •---.--- '9,691,029 



Such, then, is the more accurate amount of th(5 
iFilh over-fea trade, at thofe three epochs, at the 
(Pittance of half a century, from each other; as the 
CBftora-hoofe regifters teftify. Every one, who 
Hoderftands common, arithmetic, knows, that three 
iire more than one ; and that nine are equal to three 
times three. The firft fifty years appears, in its value, 
to be one multiplied by three ; and the fecond to be 
three multiplied by three, nearly : and there can be 
110 doubt, then, whether Ireland had not profpered 
greatly, in her commercial affairs, in the hundred 
years, which ended with 1800, the epoch of her 
nmow. In confidering this interefting topic, from 
thofe three averages only, without taking in collateral 
drcumltances, we are wholly freed, from the embar- 
jaffment, of regarding, who were, meantime, the 
viceroys, or ministers, or perfonjy governing, or 
patriots oppofmg : we have merely before our eyes, 
mud understandings, the people themfelves. It cer- 
tainly required many more people, to carry on the 
commercial bulinefs of Ireland, in the laft period, 
than in the hrft : it required more people, with more 
ieduftiy, and fkill ; and it required more people, 

with 



THE STRENGTH OF G, BRITATX. 397 

yvith more induftry, ikill, and capital In 1700^ 
Ireland had but few people, little induftry, and Hdll, 
and ftiil lefs capital*. During the eSlaxion of a, 
-century of wars, of difputes, and convullions.; 
Ireland acquired many people, more induftry, more 
ikill, and much more capital. And, whence did Iha 
obtain the people, the induftry, the Hull, and the 
capital, which produced, in 1 800, fo great a trade^ 
as the value of jT. 9,691,029 ? The anivi^er rnuit be^ 
from her own powers of reproduction. And, we 
thus, incidentally, perceive, how little Ireland owes^ 
during that century of acquirement, either to her per- 
fons, in power, or to her patriots, out of power. This 
moral truth is of the greatell importance, not only t@ 
Ireland, but to every country, which is running that 
race of induftry, how much the people owe to their 
own efforts, and how litde to the intermeddling of 
others. 

It may caft ibme additional light on this intereftia^ 
fubje6i;, if we take the average exports, and imports 
of Ireland, at (liorter periods of her advance; m 
order to review thofe feveral topicks, as we advance. 
We have feen the amount of the over-fea trade of 
Ireland, according to a three years medium, ending 
in 1701, to be no more thaU;/*. 779,109 of exports, 
and of imports, £. 726,559. The very profpea of 
war, in 1702, lelTened the hrft, to X'493;435j and 

* It is here proper to recoiled, that the legal iatereft of 
money, in Ireland, was reduced, in 1704, from ten per cent, to 
eight; in 1722, to feten; and in 1732, to fix per cent. Thcffe 
feveral redudions impl}^ that wealth, and capital, began to 
iRcreafe, with th« numbers of the people, mid their iiidiu'try, 

the 



$gS AN ESTIMAtE OF 

the latter, to £.475,^5^- They did not recover 
their feveral values, during the preceding peace, 
throughout the nine fubfequent years of war. The 
peace of Utrecht, whatever might be its political 
value, brought great relief to the depreffed trade of 
Ireland, after fuch protracted hoftilities. The years 
1714, and 1715, were periods of unexampled com- 
merce, in Ireland- And the augmented amount, in 
thofe profperous years, both of the exports, and im- 
ports, arofe, from an uncommon traffic with Holland, 
and Flanders, Portugal, and Spain, France and her 
dominions. According to Dobbs, 1715 was the 
happieft year of her commerce, when her exports 
furmounted the imports by £. 557,068. If we take 
the years 1713, 17^4^ and 1715, as the epoch of 
the acceflion of George I. we Ihall perceive, from 
the 

Average value of both, the ^^P'^'^^' ^"^P^^"^^' 

amount to have been - £. 1,280,810 £, 882,829 

Compare thele with the 

average of 1726-7-8 - i>035,577 916,895 



And thefe laft years reprefent the ti'ade of Ireland, at 
the acceffion of George II ; the amount both of the 
exports, and imports, at the firit epoch, being 
£. 2,163,639 ; and at the laft epoch £. 1,952,472. 
Dobbs is not happy, in accounting, for the flatnefs, 
and defalcation, of the trade of Ireland, during the 
intermediate period, to the fluctuations of her domef- 
tic manufa6lares. No: they were more owing to 
the uncertainties^ in other countries, of peace, and 

of 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 399 

of war; to the itockjobbing both in France, and 
England, which afFe6;ed private credit : yet, nauit it 
be recolle^ed, that England was the great, and 
iteady cuftomer of Ireland, either in peace, or war, 
in her profperity, or deprefiion. One truth is cer- 
tain, as we know, from fubfequent fa6l;s, that the 
Irifh people, with their induftry, and their capitals^ 
held their onward courfe, w ithout much interruption, 
from whatever caufe. We might infer this trotli, 
from a view of the exports, and imports, of Ireland, 
before the war of 1738 began, and after it ended: 
and, thefe views are exhibited in the average value of 

The three years 1 73^) ^''^'''*'' . ^'^'''^"' 

1737/ X-^. 332,446 £95h54B 



i73B) 

Arid in the three y Ciirs 1 749I 
l7/iO>1 



75o> 1,858,606 i,497;437 
1751) 

Throughout that long war, which ended by the 
treaty of Aix la Chapelle, there was no interruption 
to the induftry of Ireland ; to the courfe of her gains ; 
or to the augmentation of her capital : throughout 
thofe protra6^ed, and rather inglorious hoftiiities, the 
over-fea trade of Ireland was little interrupted by 
thofe events, whether happy, or adverfe : the reaibn 
may be, that her belt, and chief cuftomer was Bri- 
tain : and we might fafely infer, both the augmenta- 
tion of her people, and their enterprize, as well as 
the progrefs of their traffic abroad, from the vaft 
flow of tiiejr exports^ and imports, in the three fortu- 
nate 



40O AN ESTIMATE OF 

nate years, ending with 1751, which indeed formed 
an epoch of great profperity, in Britain, which fo 
greatly influenced the profperity of Ireland. In 
Ireland, indeed, her profperous ftate ended, foon 
after, in a parliamentary difpute, about the applica- 
tion of the furplufes of her revenue. The Com- 
mons, who held the ftrings of the public purfe, ap- 
plied thofe furplufes to domeftic meliorations : 
bridges, and canals, and mills were formed; and 
manufa6lures were incited, and puflied forward, by 
every fort of encouragement, which the projectors, 
with public money, in their power, could propofe. 
The effecls were foon feen, and felt. The exports 
of 1755 rofe, in their vaft value, to ;/^. 2,047,660, 
while the imports amounted to the fum of 
£. 1,71 1,552. Invigorated as Ireland was, by thcfe 
means, ilie fcarcely felt any interruptions to her 
indultry, and gains, from the war of 1756. 

For Ireland, as well as, for Great Britain, the new 
reign aufpicioufly opened, in 1760. New encou- 
ragements were eonltantly given, while no obftruc- 
tions were impofed. And the private gains of indul- 
try went on with the reduplications of money, let at 
ufurious intereft. We may fee fufficient proofs of 
the falutary efFe6ls, if we compare the average 
values of the exports, and imports, in the three years 
ending with 1762, with thofe ending, in 1772 : The 
amount of 

Exports. Imports, 

The firft period was ;^. 2,274,422 ;^.i, 696,764 
The fecond period was 3,302,576 2,415,785 

During 



tut ^TRENGfH OF G. fiRITAiN. 4oi 

During thofe years, the exports to Great Bri- 
tain, which was her greateft, and her beft market, 
were ptodigious, ivhile the Brltill] plantations formed 
the next greateft markets, as well for the fuppliers of 
materials, as the fiii niiliers of neceffaries, phyiical, 
and acquired. The colonial v/ar began, in 1775, 
wherein the Britidi Americans defied the power, 
embarrafifed the poHcy, and obftru6led the com- 
merce of Great Britain : the Britifn Americans were 
allowed to do fo ; becaufe the parent State would 
not put forth her ftrength, ufe her policy, or urge 
her traffic. The Irilh factions took advantage of 
her various embarralTments ; and they demanded, 
in 1779, a^ree trade, without having, perhaps, any 
very precife idea of the real meaning of a/ree trade. 
Tlieir demands were granted ; as indeed conceffions 
had already been made, without fo much perempto- 
rinefs of requilition*. And yet whatever freedom 

of 

* By the 18 Geo. HI. ch. 55, certaiti goods were allowed to 
he. exported, diredly^^ from Ireland into the Britidi plantationSj 
an America, and to the Britifh fettlemects, in Africa; and Irifli 
bnilt fliips were declared to be entitled to the fame privi'eges, as 
Britifh. By the 18 Geo. III. ch. 61 j Papifts were relieved^ 
from the difability of holding eftates, in Irela.nd. By the 19th 
Geo. TIL ch. 35, tobacco of Irifli growth was allowed to be 
imported into Britain. By the 19th Geo* III. ch. 37, bounties 
on the importation of Irifli hemp were granted* By the 20th 
Geo. III. ch. 6, reftraints on the export of wooiW drapery, and 
glafs, from Ireland, were repealed. By the '2och Geo. Ill, 
ch. 10, a free trade^ with the Britifh iettlements, in Americaj 
with the Britifli Weft Indies, and Britifh iettlements in Atrica,^ 
was allowed. By the 2oth Geo. Hi. ch. 18, the Turkey trade 
was laid open to the Irifli people ; and by t;he fame ftatute, gold, 
'^ D d and 



402 AN ESTIMATE Of 

of trade was thus granted to fuch requifitlons, the 
commerce of Ireiand languilhed during the years 
1780, 1781, and 1782 : the fa6l is, however men 
may talk about freedom of trade, and whatever may 
be granted to the vehemence of their requefts; 
without adequate capital, enlargement of enterprize, 
and the diffufion of correipondence, commerce can- 
not be much extended. This truth will appeal* 
with fufficient clearnefs, by comparing the average 
values of the exports, and imports, during the free 
trade of the years 1 780-8 1-82^ with the reftrained 
trade of 1770-71-72 : 

Exports. Imports. 

Thofe of 1770-71-72 amounted to £.3j302,576 jC*2415)7Ss 
Thofeof 1780-81-82 - - 3,102,938 2,748,293 



The laft, indeed, was a period of extended warfare ; 
while the former was a period of unreftrained quiet. 
The exports, and imports, of the fubfequent years, 
1784 and 1785, did fomevvhat furpafs the commerce 
of 1770-1-2, after the United States had opened 
their guilty ports to the Irilh trade^. 

The 

and fdver, were allowed to be exported to Ireland. 'Such, then, 
■was theyree trade ^ which was thus granted to the Irilh trader*, 
by thofe fuccefljve laws? 

* There may be mentioned a meafare, or two, which pofliblj 
had fome influence on the domeftic economy, at leaft on the 
agriculture of Ireland: Her Houfe of Lords having under con- 
fideration, in 1757, the ftate of tillage^ came to feveral refolu- 
tions : that the confumption of Dublin has the moll extenfive 
influence on the tillage of Ireland; the confumption being 
300,000 barrels of wheat, (300 lbs. weight of flour being equal 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 403 

The concefTion of di free trade was meantime 
followed, in 1 782, by the demand of d^ free conft'i-- 
tution. This demand was as iaconfiderately granted, 
by the one fide, as it had been pofitively required 
by the other*. Beyond the fa6lioufnefs of the 
Irilh ftatefmen, and the weaknefs of the Britiih, 
political folly could not go. Ev^ery thing was thus 
granted by Great Britain ; but nothing was granted, 
in return, by Ireland. Thefe requifitions, and con- 
ceiTions, contained no adjuftment of any thing, till 
they were followed, in 1785, by the Irifi arrange^ 
merits^ for fettling fomething like confiftency, in 
commerce, between the two independent kingdoms : 
But, they were not very ftrongly urged on the one 
fide, and declined on the other. If impolicy, or 
forbearance, had not been the refolutions of Great 

to two barrels of wheat ;) 2diy, it was refolved, that bounties 
bt granted, on the land carriage of corn to Dublin. It appears 
that, during the five years, which elapfed with 1757, that there 
had been brought to the Dublin market, 

Of home product - - - 404,825 barrels. 

Of foreign pro dua - - - 594»3 12 barrels. 



999? 137 barrels. 



in 1774, the King was thanked, for giving his alTent to a bill 
in favour of tillage. — Lords Journals, vol. 4, 101 — 772. 

* By the 22d Geo. III. ch. 53, the ad 6 Geo. I. for/ecuring the 
depmdance of Ireland y was fimply repealed ; by the 2sd Geo. III. 
ch. 28, appeals, from the courts of Ireland, to Great Britain, 
V^ere alfo relinquilhed. And, in return for both thofe flatutes, 
relinquiftiing the dependance of Ireland, nothing was obtained, 
or demanded : nor was there any arrangement of pretenfions, 
»v any treaty. 

D d 2 Britain, 



404 AK ESTIMATE OF 

Britain, during thofe fadious times, the proper 
meafures, arifmg out of the exifting cireumitances, 
had been to refolve : fmce Ireland has thus acquired 
independence, without any return of benefit, or 
appearance of quiet, the people of Ireland Ihall be 
deemed aliefis ; their Ihips fhali be alle?i ; their trade 
Ihall be fubjeO; to alien duties ; as alie?is, they fliall 
not be admitted into the Britifh colonies; nor par- 
take of the Britilh fiilieries. Such refolutions, 
which were the neceffary inferences, from fuch af- 
fumptions, would have ruined the agriculture, and 
manufactures, the commerce^ and circulation of 
Ireland, in a month ; fo much did all thefe depend 
on her daily communications with Great Britain. 
In return^ for that forbearance, Ireland, a6luated by 
her ufual charlatans ; 

" As charlatans can do no good, 
" Until they're mounted in a crowd ; 

affumed, in 1789, during a melancholy moment, a 
diftincl government, from that of Great Britain. 
During fome years, there followed extravagancies^ 
which ended at length, in the rebellion of 1798,, 
upon the avowed principle of entire feparation. 
But, the wretched men, who now drew their fwords, 
on fuch a principle, and with fuch a purpofe, were 
not more rebellious, than the Irifh orators, who 
moved the vote of independence, in 1782; and 
fnatched the fceptre, from the King s hands, in 1789^ 
All men at length faw, from fuch proceedings, that, 
between complete union, and pofitive feparation,. 

there 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIK. 405 

there was no middle ftate. And, the year 1 800 
will always be deemed, ih the annals of the liritiih 
empire, the happy epoch of an incorporate Union, 
which had been fettled upon equal mediums, con- 
du6i:ed by prudent management, and confummated 
by the wife legiflation of the two independent king- 
doms*. 

Meantime, the people of Ireland held their on- 
ward courfe, in the progrefs of their induftry, and 
the enterprize of their traffic, whatever might be the 
fa6i;ioufnefs, or imbecility of ftatefmen, on either fide 
the Iriih channel. The Irifli people increafed their 
numbers, enlarged their commerce, augmented their 
gains, and reduplicated their capital. All thefe 
ftatements, we might infer, from a comparifon of 
the exports, and imports, of the three years, ending 
with 1 782, with the three years, ending with 1792 : 

Exports. Imports. 

The 3 year,^ average of the firft period was -r,3,102,938 ;^,2,248,292 
The 3 years average of the fecond period was 5ji?5,984 4,164,985 



This detail exhibits a commercial comparifon of 
the three laft years of a moft difaftrous war, with the 
three laft years of a moft advantageous peace. 
During that period. Great Britain, and Ireland, 
were equally profperous. The unexampled amount 
of the over-fea trade, which is ihown by the Itate- 
ment, ending with 1792, evinces that, it was in 
Ireland, as well as in Great Britain, a period of un- 
common profperity, which did not laft long. As 
early as 1792, and as late as 1802, a fpirit of diA 
afFeclion, which was followed, in many diitri6ts of 

* 39-40 Geo. III. ch. 67. 

D d 3 Ireland, 



406 Alv^ ESTIMATE OF 

Ireland, by popular dilturbarices, and traiterous 
infurre6lion, affe8;ed her quiet, and interrupted her 
induftry*. A foreign war began, in 1 793, which, like 
all former hoftilities, introduced many obftru6lions, 
frojn abroad : two frnitlefs attempts were meantime 
made to invade Ireland, from France; and one 
invafion, under Humbert, took place, which, for a 
while, perturbed a country, that was fufficiently 
prone to infurreQion. In 1798, indeed, thpfe difr- 
turbances ended in avowed, and inveterate rebellion, 
which was attended with wafte of property to the 
amount of a million at leaft. And the debility of 
public, and private credit, in England, during thofe 
unhappy times, was no doubt fe}t, ftrongly, hi Ireland. 
And, the accuftomed influences of all thofe caufes 
bad the certain effects of leffening the exports, and 
augmenting the imports, of the years 1798, 1799, 
and 1800, the noted years of rebellion, and of 
union : So that the average values of the export 
^nd import trade of Ireland, according to a three 
years average, amounted to j^ . 4, 1 64, 8 2 of exports, 
and ;£. 55387,687,689 of importsf. 

Some additional light, may be thrown on the 
origin, and progrefs of the induftry, commerce, and 
wealth, of Ireland^ by taking fome other views of 

* The Report of the Conjmittee of Secrecy of the Houfe of 
Lords in Ireland ; and the Parliamentary Proceedings of the 
United Parliament, 1802. 

t The fame debility, and diminution, might be proved, from 
the regiflered number of Ihipping, which belonged to Ireland, 
in the profperous year 1792, and the difadvantageous year 
1800: In the iirft year^ Ireland had 1193 fliips, carrying 
^9»5^7 tons ; and in the fecond, only 1003 ^^ips, bearing 54,262 
tpjig. 

bier 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN". 407 

her commercial affairs : For 250 years together, 
from the time of Edward III. faith Sir John Davies, 
the Iriih cuftoms did not exceed ;f. 1000 a year: 
for, the fubfidy of poundage was not then known ; 
and the greateft cuftom did arife, from the cocquet 
of hydes. A pretty accurate idea of the progrefs 
of commerce, and of opulence, in England, and in 
Ireland, may be obtained, by tracing diftinftly the 
the feveral fettlements of the legal interelt of money, 
in both thofe countries*. 

Another view of this interefting fubje6t may be 
taken, from tracing the currencies of Ireland, at 
different periods of her progrefs. Before the reign 
of Edward IV. the legal value of money, in Eng- 
land, and Ireland, was quite equal. But, in that 
reign, this convenient equality was altered, by an 
abfurd regulation, which created a difference of a 
fourth part; the IriQi fhilling being worth but gd, 
in England; and the Engliih fhilling paffmg in 
Ireland, for 16 d,: So that ;C-i^^ Englifh made 

* The legal intereft of money was fettled, fucceffively, as 
under : 

England. Ireland. 

In 1546 - at 10 per cent. In 1635 - at 10 per cent. 

In 1623 - at 8 per cent. In 1704 - at 8 per cent. 

In 1660 - at 6 per cent. In 1727 - at 7 per cent. 

|n 1713 - at 5 per cent. In 1732 - at 6 per cent. 

At which it remains. At which it remains, 

tjiough an attempt was made, 
in 1788, to reduce the inte» 
reft to 5 per cent; This rate 
was impofed on the Bank of 
Ireland, by its charter, 

Dd 4 jC-133- 65, 8d. 



40 8 AN ESTIMATE OF 

/. 133 6s. 8i. in Ireland; or in other words, 
£'^3 6 s. Sd, per cent, made tbe exchange at par, 
between the two countries. This difference of 
values, between Englrili, and Iriih money, contmued 
till 1637, when it was taken away; and all pay^ 
menfs of crown rents, leafes, and other charges, and 
contracts, at thai tirnejiib/ijting, were, by a deduc- 
tion of a fourth part, reduced into Engliili value: 
and hence, the legal value of money became again 
the fame, in England, and Ireland. Thus, it con- 
tinued till the Revolution* But, James II. coming 
foon after to Ireland, by a proclamation, in 1689, 
raifed the Englifh ihirjing to I'^d. and during the 
fubfequent confufions, the fame lliilling rofe to 14^, 
in 1694, wfien the value of it had fallen in Eng- 
land: but, from that fiCiitious rate, it was reduced 
to 13^. in 1701. The regulation of the current 
value cf gold, in Ireland, was fettled, by the legal 
value of the Englifh lliilling: and, this being higher, 
in Ireland, than in Britain, as 1 3 to 1 2 ; tiie legal, 
or extriniic value of money is fixed higher, in the 
one kingdom, than in the other: fo that ;^. 100 
Engliili is ;£. 108 6s. 8d. in Ireland; or in other 
words, 8-5-, from thenceforth, made the par of ex- 
change', between the two countries*. Such then, is 
the hiftory of thepa?- of eixkange between England, 
and Ireland, which, we may perceive, is wholly 
m'tificial, without any connection either with the 
natural or mercantile exchanges, between thofe coun- 
tries. It is, at the fame time, curious to obferve, 
that the before-m.entioned periods of profpeiity, or 
gf depreffion, were noted equally for fteady, or un^ 

* Robifoa's Essay on Coins. 

fteady 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BtlTTAIN. 40^ 

fteady exchanges, between London, and Dublin* 
The greateft part of the cafh circulating, in Ireland, 
is the coin of England. 

Meantime, the Bank of Ireland was eftablillied, 
in 1783, on a capital of £. 6oo,ooot. It was fol- 
lowed, and imitated, by fome Bank, which. ilTued 
caih notes, in almoit every hamlet, in tiiat country^ 
When the Bank of England was reftrained, in 1797, 
from paying in gold, and filver, the Bank of Ireland 
^vas loon after reltrained, from paying in caih ; and 
the private Banks could not pay their notes, in bullion, 
wiien the public Banks were reftrained. The ex- 
change, which had been Hat, in 1794, and 1795, 
began to rife in 1796, and a part of 1797. It 
began to rife in 1799, and continued remarkably 
high, in 1800, in 1801, and 180*2 ; androfe to a great 
height, in 1803, and 1804; and, when it advanced 
to 20 per cent, it induced Parliamentary enquiry, 
early in 1 804. The Committee of Enquiry attributed 



*The following exchanges, in London, on Dublin, juftify that 
remark : 

8|- In 1790 — January - SJ 

July - - 8^ 

lu 1791 — January - 8 J 

July - - 8i 

In 1792 — January - 8| 

Jul^ - - 9 



|n 1748 — January - 

July - - 8i 

In 1749 — January - 8| 

July - - 8| 

In 1750 — January - 8i 

July - - 9^: 



In 1771 — January 
July - 

In 1772 — January 
July - 

Iji 1773— January 
^uly - 



9J 
9\ 



11 

10 



f The exchanges then were t 

In 1783 — January - 10 
July - - 8| 

this 



410 AN ESTIMATE OF 

this unexampled rife, in the exchanges, totwocauies; 
to the unneceffary reftri^lion, from paying in bullion, 
which was impofed by law, on the Bank of Ireland ; 
and to the over iffue of paper ; while the real balance 
of payments was in favour of Ireland*, The Com- 
mittee regretted, that they could not offer to the 
Houie any remedy, for i^jch a grievance^. But, the 
enquiry itfelf was a remedy, by laying open th^ 

• Report of the Committee of Enquiry. There is a fa6l, or 
■wo» which feems to have efcaped the vigilance of the Com» 
mittee : The fecret artifices of the Irifli Direclory of the United 
Irilhmen, diredled their people *' to prevent the circulation of 
tank notes/' See the Report of the Secret Committee of the 
Houfe of Commons of Ireland, App. N"" 28. The other fad is, 
that in 1804, at Belfaft, there was an obvious preference given 
to the notes of the country hanhs of Scot land over the notes of 
the Bank of Ireland ; at that time, and place, gold could not be 
procured for Bank of Ireland notes, under a difcount of out 
Jhillhig per pound; while the notes of the Scots banks were ex- 
changed for gold, at only 4^. in the pound; the difftrencc of irf, 
in every ihilling being always calculated to bring the two cur- 
rencies to the par. This is an extremely curious facl; arifing 
partly from the intrigues of the United Irilhmen, and partly 
from the real preference of the Scots bank notes, in the North 
«f Ireland. 

t Some ver}' adequate remediei were, however, applied to the 
defective circulation, and to the unfavourable exchanges of 
Ireland, by the Britifh Government : ufeful coins were intro- 
duced there in the place of depreciated paper : 
There were circulated, by the Bank, fiampec^ 

dollars at 6/. of the value pf - - - X-^S^jSS^ 
Silver tokens, of the value of - - •? 848,404 

Cppper coins, of the value of - - - 124,706 

Tlie tp^al circulated - - £. 1,205,462 

cavifes 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN-. 4I 1 

caufes of the evil. When the wretched hopes of the 
United Irifnmen were dalhed by the Union ; when 
peace was again reftored ; when the induftry, and 
trade of Ireland began to flow, in their ufual chan- 
nels ; the exchanges returned to near their ufual par- 
add to thofe caufes, that the Bank of Ireland wifely 
jiiTued large numbers of ftamped dollars, and alfo 
circulated 600 tons of copper coins*. 

We have npw feen that, with the profperity of 
Ireland, the exchanges are not higher, or more 
unfteady, than they might bie expe6led, during fuch 
times, and under fuch circumftances. Whatever 
may have been, in the days of Malynes, and Miflfen-? 
den, under James I. |;here are obvioufiy now three 
kinds of exchange : the natural exchange, which 
coniifts in the expence of carrying money, from one 
country to another ; the commercial exchange ; and 
the pohtical exchange, confifting of the remittances 
for public purpofes, e^clufive of private dealings. 
In thefe views of the fubje6l, the efforts, which have 
been made, and are making, for fhortening the roads, 
fccuring bridges, enlarging harbours, and facilitating 
the pafTages, between Great Britain and Ireland, are 
of the greateft importance; as the rifque, and 
expellee of conveying money, muft be thereby 

* Before the end of the year 1804, the exchange with 
Dublin, at London, had fallen to 1 1 per cent. Lloyd's Liji, 
It rofe, in the fubfequent year; and flood in December 1805, 
at 13 J. It fell, in 1806 ; and flood, in December of that year 
at ii| to 12. In March 1807, it was as low, a§ 10 1; and. 
towards the end of the year it fixed at 10 J. In February 1809, 
it was as low as 8| and 8 ; and ftood in December 1809, atg j. 
In 1810, it has been very fteady from 9 J to 9 j. Wettenhairt 
J^ijis, . 

lelTened 



412 AN ESTIMATE O? 

lelTened, and correfpondence prompted; as well as 
the intercoune^ and the Union, thereby very much 
improved. 

Yet ; is it made a queftion, by thofe writers, who 
come forward to inftrucl the duiiards of Great 
Britain, on the affairs of Ireland, whether the com- 
misrce of Ireland has profperecl, or w ithered, fmce 
the Union, in iSoi ; whether the Irifn people have 
any thing to congratulate themfelves upon, fmce the 
. Itf nion. To ilich wailings, it may be allowed, that 
t'pere js nothing ni} uical in the word Zbiion, or in 
ihe thing. Honeft Dobbs liad, indeed, opened his 
well-meaning EiTay, by remarking tliat, " trade 
" unites in intereft and affe^lioo, the moft diftant 
** nations: " and, what people ever reje61;ed the 
fincere offer of friendly commerce, but United 
Irijlmieny who, hyena-like, are no more capable of 
amity, than fhe is ; and who, with the fam,e wildnefs, 
poffefs her fabtilty, and malice. The free trade, 
which was allowed to Ireland, in 1779, 1780, and 
1781, was merely given, under q uahfi cations ; and 
jnight have been reclaimed from independent 
Jreland. The Union conferred on Ireland di free 
trade, without any qualification, in the fame manner 
as the Engliih, and Scotiili people enjoy y;'^e trade. 
But, I never heard, that the ftatcfmen, who made 
the Union of 1800, fecretly promifed to transfer 
^ny part of the commercial capital of Great Britain 
to Ireland, whatever the Lord Lieutenant may have 
fiientiy engaged, without authorit}^ Now; it is 
very poiiiole lor a people to be entitled to a free 
trade, witliout pofTeiiing the means of carrying it on. 
The year, when the Uniou commenced, was ftill 

marked 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 413 

marked by its revolutionai^ ftate*. It was the laft 
year of a lengthened war: and, 1801 was the epoch 
of the protracted treaty of Amiens. Add to thofe 
caufes of deprefiion the derangement of the ex- 
changes of Ireland, during the fucceffive years, 
1801-2-3 and i8o4|. Can it, then, be matter of 
wonder among well informed perfons, that the over- 
fea trade of Ireland fhould languifh, for fome time, 
after the Ihi'wn began; there being nothing of 
enchantment, either in the xvord, or the thing. 
After this introduction, let us now examine the 
public accounts, which are kept, and produced, for 
the very purpofe of afcertaining the faCl, and pre- 



venting deluiion : 



The three years average of the year* 
1798, 1799, 1800, were "- - 
D°1801, 1802, 1803 . - - - 
D" 1804, 1805, 1806 - - - - 
D** 1807, 1808, 1809 - - - - 



Ir. Exports, 



^.4,164,082 
4,754,676 
5,131,208 
5,710,203 



Ir. Imports.ffot. of both. 



,.r.5,387,689 
5,456,453 

5,769,03 
% 7,079,611 



;C.9,55l,77i 
10,211,12^ 
10,900;24S 
12,789,814 



Such, then, is the profperous ftate of the over-fea 
trade of Ireland ; as it appears, in this accurate 

* It is a fad, which is ftated by the writers, who utter their 
wailings, under the fedudive form of inftrudion, that " on the 
" 25th of March 1805, there were no fewer than 1,474 perfons 
** confined, on fufpicion, in different prifons, and in the prifen 
fliips of Ireland/' So obftinate a paiTion is United Irif/i'fmg. 
when it operates on grofs ignorance, 

t App, A. 1. to the Report on the Circulation of Ireland. 

I The real value of the Irifh produce, and manufadures, 
which were exported, in the year ended the 5th of January 
1810, computed, at the average prices current, amounted to 
i. 11,454^65. 

detail : 



4^4 AN ESTIMATE OF 

detail : arid, from it, we may perceive, that Ireland 
enjoyed the exported valuCjOf ;^. 1,546,121 more, in 
the ninth year of the Union, than in the year before 
it commenced, by a progreffive increafe in every 
period : and, from a fmiilar comparifon, we may fee, 
that the imports, in the laft period, were fuperior to 
the imports of the former, in ;^. 1,691,922 : but, the 
whole over-fea trade of Ireland wa« greater, in the 
laft period, than it w^as, when the Union w^as made, 
by ;£• 3,238,043 a year. What is there, then, in 
thefe comparative flatements, but what may en- 
courage wife men, though they frighten thofe fools 
of Ireland, who are ftudious to inftru^ more intel- 
ligent men, than themfelves. The excefs of the 
imports over the exports is, however, the great 
remora. The balance of trade ufed, in former times, 
\diiie the mercantile fyft em was the great object of 
attention, in England. Jofua Gee, a pragmatical 
quaker, by publilhing the moft abfurd details of the 
national trade, threw the whole people into a panic 
terror. Mr. Hume wrote his fine Efiay on the 
Balance of Trade^ to remove thofe terrors of ruin- 
ation, by tlie export of the whole coins of the 
country. And his conclufion, that the coins may be 
left to find their own currency, while the people, 
with their induftiT, remain, gave great comfort to 
every one, except to thofe, \vho delight to be told, 
that they are ruined. In the mean time, the over- 
fea trade of Great Britain rofe in the value of its 
exports from;^. 12,599,112, according to the ave- 
rage of 1749-50-51, to 24,905,200, in 1792, to 
£. 50,301,763, in 1809. The value of the whole 

exports 



tHE STRENGTH OF G. BRItAIX, 415 

exports of Ireland, as we have feen, was only 
^.779,109, in 1701; ;£.i,854,Co5, in 1751; 
^.4,100,526, in 1801, and ^.5,739.843. i^ ^^^9* 
Now ; it is quite evident to all, who are capable of 
reafoning on fiich fubje6i;s, that it required botli, in 
Ireland, and in Britain, more people and induftry, 
more capital and enterprize, to export the cargoes of 
1 8og, in both, than the cargoes of 1 80 1 , of 1 75 1 , or 
1 70 1 : And, whence did the inhabitants of both derive 
all thofe augmentations of enterprize and capital, of 
induftry and people? The anfwer muft be; from 
their own powers of reproduction. 

But, fince no one, in trade, ever does any thing, 
for nothing : fo the traders of Ireland, both im- 
porters, and retailers, who were concerned in the 
great cargoes imported, in the three years, ending with 
1800, of the fame, ending with 1803, of the fame, 
ending with 1 806, of the fame, ending with 1 809, 
ttiuft have gained their ufual profits on fuch vait 
traiifa6iions : and do not the gains of the whole 
people collectively arife from the gains of the indivi- 
duals feparately? Undoubtedly. The perfons owning, 
and navigating the many ihips, which imported 
thofe great cargoes, at thofe fucceffive epochs, ha^ . 
their' profits, the merchant importers had their 
profits, and the brokers, and retailers, had their 
feveral profits. What boots it, then, whether thofe 
profits be made on the imports, or exports ? If ther^ 
be an excefs of imports muft not the overplus be 
paid for, in bullion ? Yes : but, we will fuppofe^ 
that the bulhon was fent out, to import cotton wool^ 
raw filk, or fiax feed, will not all materials of manu-* 
fa/Q:ur«s be wrought into fomething, whereon there 

mar 



41 6 AN ESTIMATE OF 

Qiay be gained cent, per cent, of the firil; pufchafe 
money. Such were the dodrines of Child, Petty, 
and D'Avenant, a hundred and twenty years ago. 
And the whole doctrine of a balance of trade was 
exploded, till it was revived, by that facetious, and 
logical gentleman, the late Mr. Alderman Falkener 
of Dublin ; and continued, by thofe Iriih writers, 
who are ftudious to inftru6l the good people of 
England, on fuch recondite topicks. And thofe 
writers threw out their infidious farcafmj " how little 
" reafon the people of Ireland have to congratulate 
** themfelves upon the Union, with reference to the 
" balance of trude" though the inltruftive evidence 
of the InfpeQ:or of Imports and Exports, the very well 
informed Mr. Marfhall, before the Exchange Com- 
mittee, flaihed convi6lion in their eyes*. Such 
writers ought to remember, that the beft poffible 

* The Infpedor General, by an accurate eftimate, from the 
real price* of tbe imports, and exports of Ireland, proved, that 
there was a balance, in her favour, in theyear ending with January 
1803, of i^. 1,816,1 14 ; being the excefs of the exports, amownt- 
ingto £, 9,020,98-2, over the imports, amounting to ^f .7,194,868. 
Rep. Com. 127. The real value of the Irifli produce, and 
manufa<5tures, which were exported, in the year ending on the 
>5th of January 1810, computed at the average prices current, 
amounted to £.11,464,265. Infpe6i, Gen, Report. The im- 
ports, according to the 3 years average, ending with 1809, 
amounted only to jf. 7,079,611. The writers, then, who per- 
fecute us, with their information, or impertinence^ would die 
v/ill to be filent on the balance of trade, left they be told, 

** The happy whimfey they purfue, 

" Till they at length believe it true ; 

" Caught by their own delufive art, 

" They fancy firll, and then affert. 

■mode^ 



tHE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 4I7 

mode of giving inftru6lions to the people of Britain 
is not by propagating grols perverfion, or iotimating 
infidious farcafin. The refearches of the Exchange 
Committee, in 1 804, ought to have fteeped in forget- 
fulnefs the fenfes of fuch writers, on the delufory 
fcore of balance of trade, as evidenced by the mere 
exports, and imports, which the ableft writers have 
derided, as too vague for ufeful dedu6lions. 

It gives a much more important refult, to invefti- 
gate the a6lual (hipping, which were employed, in the 
inwardj2c[\dtheoutzvardtYeide, between Great Britain 
and Ireland, at the Union, and afterward, by taking 
four periods, of three years average each, beginning 
with the years 1798, 1799, and 1800 : 





Inwards. 


Outwards. | Tlie Total. 




Ships. 


Tons. 


Ships. 


Tons. 


Ships. 


Tons, 


Average of 1798, 1799, 1800 


5,634 


494,292 


6,534 


534,749 


12,218 


1,029,041 


of 1801, 1803, 1803 


5,708 


480,274 


5,523 


466,365 


11,236 


946,639 


of 1804, 1805, 1806 


6,357 


546,301 


6,491 


562,595 12,848 


K 108,896 


of 1807. 1808, 1809 


7,001 


584,557 


6.895 


609,6545 13,896 


1,194,209 

— .j:- ■-; 



Such is the evidence of the commercial in tercourfe, 
between Great Britain and Ireland, at, and after, 
the Union between them, as given from the Regiller 
of Britain ; amounting in the lait period, more than 
in the firft, to 1,678 voyages, carrying 195,168 tons: 
yet, it is important, to enquire what number of 
fhipping was employed of late, in carrying on the 
whole over-fea trade of Ireland ; we fliall afcertain 
E e this 



4l8 AN ESTIMATE OF 

this point, with fufficient accuracy, by taking a three 
years average, of the inward, and outward {hipping, 
from the Regifter of Ireland : 





Inwards. 


Outwards. 


' The Totals. 




Ships. 


Tons. 


Ships. 


Tons. 


Ships 


Tons. 


Average of 3 Years ^ 
1807> 1808, 1809 i 


8,532 


789,509 


7,937 


755,926 16,468 


1,545,435 



Such, then, are the whole voyages, with the 
-quantity of tonnage, which were required, for the 
augmented commerce of Ireland, in the ninth year 
of the Union. The tonnage of the Britilh fliipping 
is nearly -^ of the whole ; the Iriih tonnage is rather 
lefs than the -J- of the whole ; and the foreign ton- 
nage, even amidft fuch a war, is rather more than -rV 
of the whole. It will open another view of this 
interefting fubjeCl, if we inquire what fhipping 
Ireland, which has never been very famous for naval 
affairs, actually pofTeffed, both before, and after, the 
Union : In fa6l, there were regiftered, as belonging 
to the feveral Irifh ports, 



during 1798 
1799 



- 1,025 fliips, bearing 49,998 tons 

- 999 - - - 49,825 



during 1808 
1809 




58,959 
69,979 



Whether we leview the value of the exports, and 
imports of Ireland, both before, and after, the Union ; 

or 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 4\g 

or confider the augmented number of annual voyages, 
for carrying thofe cargoes, fmce that event, or the 
increafe of the number of Irilh ihips, during the 
nine years of the Union, we may perceive how little 
foundation there was, for faying, " the commercial 
" profperity has very vifibly declined, fmce that 
'* meafure was carried into effect." The writer, who 
talks thus, with the public regifters, before his eyes, 
only difparages his own underftanding; and warns his 
readers not to believe him, even when he does 
fpeak truth. That affertion was made, by the 
writer, who has Itudioufly inculcated how many 
more people now inhabit Ireland, than formerly ; 
how much more wages the induftrious people there 
have at prefent than formerly ; how much the rental 
of Ireland has rifen, iince the celTation of treafon, 
privy confpiracy, and rebellion : and, when in 
addition to thofe inftru6live circumftances, he per- 
ceives, as the necelTary refults, augmented confump- 
tioH, and productive taxation, he inftruds his 
reader, as a juft conclufion, from the moft egregious 
fophiftry, how much the trade of Ireland has de- 
clined, fmce the Union. However loquacious he is, 
on this topick, he does not inform us, after exhibiting 
an augmented rental, what is the price of land in 
Ireland, fince the Union. The well informed 
A. Young, however, aiTures us, from an average 
of the price of land, in every county of Ireland^ 
that it fold, when he vifited that country, at one and 
twenty years purchafe^'. From all the inquiries, 

t See the App. feft. iii, to his Irifh Tour, 177^-7-8, and 
brought d©wn to the end of 1779. 

E e 2 which 



420 AN ESTIMATE OP 

which I have lately made, as to this iixiportant point, 
T am led to beheve, that the prelent price of lands, 
in Ireland, is five and twenty years purchafe, which is 
the neceffary refult, of more quiet, greater prof- 
perity, and more indifpu table title : yet, are we told, 
by the fame writer, that all this is " but an illufive 
" profpe6l of future good." Of fuch illufive folly 
enough! 

I cannot, however, concur with M. D'lvernois, 
that the late profperity of Ireland has arifen from 
the effefe of the Berlin decree : No : I will main- 
tain, that Ireland has flourifhed, fince the Union, 
in fpite of the Berlin decree. Former wars with 
\ France had a fort of magnanimity in them, that 
foftened the rigours of their operations : from the 
Boimnator of EuropCy 

<' ■ bloody, 

•* Sudden, malicious, fmacking of ev'ry fin, 

'* That has a name, " 

hoftilides, wdthout any of the chivalry of the paft, 
have afiumed a malignity, wiiich condefcends to any 
bafenefs, that fubtilty can invent, for obtaining its 
ruinous purpole. During former wars, both Scot- 
land, and Ireland, from the feeblenefs of their means, 
to meet difficulties, were much more diltreffed 
than England: during the prefent hoftilities, Scot- 
land, and Ireland, from augmented refources, 
have been very little afFe6led, by the power, or the 
artifices, of luch an enemy, as we have juft feen. In 
former wars, as we have remarked, commerce was 
preiTed down, by the obftru6lions of hoftility, to a 
given point, whence commerce always rofe, in a 

contrary 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 421 

contrary dirc6tion, till it became iijperior to its 
former elevation : in the prefent war, we may fee 
fomething of the fame principle, producing the fame 
effe& : but, in England, in Scotland, and in Ire- 
land, from greater capitals, knowledge, and entcr- 
prize, they have carried on their over-fea trade, during 
the prefent war, beyond the brighteft example of the 
moft confirmed peace^. And their commercial 
operations were carried on, in fpite of the Berlin 
decree, and the malignant artifices, which continue 
to be connected with it. Here are the proofs : ac- 
cording to a three years average, ending with 1792, 
the value of foreign merchandize and colonial 
prodafts, 'which were exported, from Ireland, 
amounted to - - - - £, ^5»943 
And in the firft 3^ear of the war of 1 793, 7 ^ „ /- 
fuch goods amounted only to - j "^' 

In 1806, the fame cargoes amounted to 157,443 

In 1807, D'' 150,370 

Ini8o8, D**- - - - - 235,694 

Jn 1809, D°- • - - - 330,933 

By comparing the two periods together ; by com- 
paring the four years of war, under the effe6ls of 
that decree, in refpe6l to foreign merchandize, and 
colonial produ6ls, we fee, by demonftration, that the 
over-fea commerce of Ireland, in thofe goods, hai 
flourilhed, notwithftanding the Berlin decree. As 

* See before tbe Chronological Table ; and the Shipping, and 
Cargoes of Ireland, before detailed, which furniiji proofs of a 
profperity, beyojid that of her beft times, 

far. 



422 AN ESTIMATE OF 

far, indeed, as England, Scotland, and Ireland, have 
been driven, by that decree, and by the concurrence 
of the United States, to rely, feverally, on their own 
relburces, they have been benefited by both^. But, 
of this topic enough ! We (hall fee . hereinafter, de- 
monltrations of the unexampled profperity of the 
three united kingdoms of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, during the] prefent war, carried on, with 
afpe8; malign, againft their manufadures, and trade, 
by the Dominator of Europe, 

— — " the malicious foe that, 

" Envying our happinefs, and of his own 

" Defpairing, feeks to work us woe, and fliame." 

It is now time, according to the plan of this work, 
to eftimate the lofTes of the commerce, belonging to 
Great Britain, from the war of 1803, thus malicious, 
in its {)urpofe, yet inefficacious, in its effects. Du- 
ring the fliort, but captious peace, in 1802, the trade 
of Great Britain was quite unexampled, in its 
greatnefs. The firft efFe61;s of hoftillties, which were 
commenced, by the people, with alacrity, was to 
reduce the value of the cargoes exported, in 1802, 
from ;^46,i 20,962 to ^.31,438,495, in 1803. The 
next effe6l was, to introduce into our carrying-trade 
109,781 tons of foreign flipping. The third efFe6t 
was, to lefTen the Britiih (hipping, which were em- 
ployed in our carrying-trade, 214, 129 tons; many 
of which, however, may have been taken into the 

• It is dated, as a fa<^, that, in Ireland, there was fown, 
during the year 1 806, as much flax feed, as would produce 
jf. 2,404,612 worth of flax. This fliows what fuch a country 
as Ireland can do, when flie trulls to her own refources, 

fervlce 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 423 

fervice of the public, when they ceafed to be employed 
by the individuals. Since the topick of employing 
foreign fliipping is a point of national jealoufy, it may 
be well to beftow on it a few remarks, in order to 
rectify that jealoufy. Experience evinces that, in 
every war, Great Britain has employed many foreign 
Ihips, which are immediately difcharged, on the re- 
turn of peace. We have not employed fo many 
foreign lliips, in the prefent war, as in the former, 
by 93,136 tons ; the greateft number of foreign fhips 
being employed, during the former war, in 1 801 ^ and 
the greateft, during thie prefent, in 1809. During 
the year of peace, 1802, the epoch of the greateft 
profperity, that had then been known, there were 
employed of foreign iliips 767,816 tons : the year 
1809 was an epoch of ftill greater trade, in this 
country, yet there were only employed 674,680, in 
this year, being an augmentation, in the feventh 
year of the war, of 239,253 tons, while there was a 
conliderable augmentation of Britifti (hipping : But, 
it was an epoch of the greateft exportation, that this 
country had ever known. After this expofition, we 
may perceive, that there is nothing, in the topick 
of foreign fhipping, which required any particular 
remark, in our public councils ; as what happened 
now had happened before ; and will again happen*. 
It may be now proper to indulge, in a remark, or 
two, on the fortune of our trade. The defalcation 
of our exports, in 1 803, was very great, beyond all 
experience : yet, they recovered, confiderably, in 

♦ See before the Chronological Table, 

1804, 



424 AN ESTIMATE OF 

1 804, when they were much greater than thofe of 
the year J 798. The exports of 1805 were ftill 
greater ; and were nearly equal to thofe of the year 
1 799. And our trade continuing to rife in its flow, 
the exports were ftill higher, in 1 806, than they were 
in 1805, though they did not rife to the great 
amount of 1800, when the fum of our exports was 
£4^,i^2,oig. Such, then, is the vaft force of the 
fpring of our cxtenfive commerce, which has a won- 
derful faculty, according to the language of Milton, 
" either ftate to bear, profperous, or adverfe.'' 

But, a new event was at hand, which was intended 
to ruin, or regulate commerce. In November 1 806, 
the dominator of Europe, mounting on the fteeple 
of Berlin, that he might be heard, cried out, in a 
frantic voice : " The Britiih ifles are in a ftate of 
" blockade." Another dominator, in his day, during 
a prior age, commanded the tide to reflow : but, 
notwithftanding the command of Canute, the great, 
the tide continued to flow : and in fpite of the di6la- 
tion of Bonaparte, the great, our commerce con- 
tinues ; our fliips fail ; and our ifles blockade the 
world. How much the trade of Scotland, and 
Ireland, have feverally profpered, notwithftanding 
the Berlin decree, we have already ^t^w. Let us 
now examine what commercial eflefts were the 
confequences of the Berlin decree, and the American 
non-importation. The amount of exports, in the 
years 1 807, and 1 808, were each a million of pounds 
of lefs value, than the amount of 1 806, tliough they 
were about a million more than the value of exports, 
in 1798, The Berlin decree, and the American 

co-operation^ 



tHE STRETCGTM OP G. BRItAlT^. 425 

■co-operation, left Great Britain in pofleffion of an 
outward commerce, amounting yearly to tliii ty-four 
million and a half, fterling value. The Britiih 
Government iffued orders of retaliation, and gave 
Ibme facilities ; the refult at length was to fend out 
cargoes, in 1809, of the cuftom-houfe value of 
X50,3oi,783,whiGhwere worth atleaft>^.77,i 73,562. 
fterling money.* 

The ufual prices of the public funds were 
higher in the end of the feventh year of this 
malignant war, than in the year of peace, before it 
beganf . Never were there meafures of fuch mighty 
portent, as the Berlin, and Milan decrees, fo com- 
pletely difappointed, in expelled effect. But, nei- 
ther the Preiident of the United States, if he were 
free, nor the Dominator of Europe, if he were fane, 
are capable of judging, from the experience of the 

* The a^ual value of Britifli produce and manfadures ex- 
ported from Great Britain, in 1809, according to the prices 
current, amounted tOjT. 50,'24'2,76i fterling. 

t See before the Chronological Table. The ufual prices of 
the Public Funds, beginning with the year of peace, 1802, is an 
additional proof of the fame important deduction. 





e year) - 




Bank Stock. 


3 per C\ Con. 


1802 (the average of th 


l86i 


70 


^^o^'^tZL : 


- 


- 


188 


7if 


- 




142I 


53| 


1804 December - 


- 




167^ 


5H 


1805 November - 


- 




i93i 


60 


1806 December - 


. 




210| 


59h 


1807 November - 


- 




225 


63# 


1 808 November - 


- 




237 


66ji 


^*^^| December - 


- 




239I 




" " 




278 


7o§: 



Ff 



paft. 



426 AN ESTIMATE OF 

paft, or a6i;ing, from prefcience of the future* : they 
both continue to Si^k,, as if they conceived, like the 
great Canute, that they too could regulate the flux, 
and reflux of the ocean. 

But, whatever may be the difappointments of our 
foemen, or the profperity of the United Kingdom, 
we are not content. We complain, not fo much of 
's^i'ard, as of deaimefs. Yet, is there reafon to fear, 
th-dt profperity, and cheapnefsy feldom accompany 
each other. Thefe complaints are uttered, in various 
ways, and by very different perfons. One of the 
mofl; common complaints is the depreciation of 
money, or rather the dearnefs of pro'vijions, and of 
labour, I have formerly difcufled thofe points, 
as they appeared to me, during the dear years, that 
are paft f. Confidering the fame topicks, under dif- 
limular afpe6:s, I am led to fomewhat different con- 
clufions. It may be much doubted, whether the 
pound Jier ling, QV money of account, can depreciate; 
not being a coin, but a fictitious unit ; neither, per- 
haps, can a guinea, being a coin, and pafling, by 
weight, depreciate, though as bullion, it may lell, 
without the kingdom, at the market price of fuch a 
commodity. The depreciation of money is a com- 

* It is, at length, known, as a fad of great importance, that 
the commercial treaty, which was concluded, at Whitehall, in 
1806, by M. Monroe, and Pinkney, was difallowed by Jefferfon; 
hecaufe Bonaparte had declared, " that if the American 
" Government ftiould conclude a treaty with Great Britain, he 
" would declare war againfl her, as an enemy/' Goldjmith's 
J^xpo/ition, 5. 

f See before p. 333 — 6, &c. 

wodious. 



THE STRENGTH OF G. BRITAIN. 427 

modlous, but, not the true mode of fpeaking, on this 
difficult topick. The Secret Committee of the 
Houfe of Commons, 1797, expreffed the fame idea 
more delicately, as well as more truly, when they 
fpoke of " the advanced price of labour, and of all 
" the necelTaries of life, and almoft every kind of 
commodity" ^. It is not, then, that the money unity 
or poundJlcrUngj is depreciated, but, it is the ne- 
celTaries of life, and almoft every commodity, which 
have advanced in their prices. Neither is it logical 
to fpeak of a guinea being depreciated : a guinea, 
containing the fame value of gold, the fame quantity 
of alloy, and having the ftandard weight, muft 
necelTarily be the fame : during the laft twenty 
years, a guinea might not go Jo far, in the market ; 
but, the gold is not depreciated, fmce it is rather 
more precious ; and the neceffaries of life have only 
advanced, in their prices. When we fpeak of riling, 
and falling ; of depreciation, and advancement ; we 
muft have fome jlandard, in our minds, from which 
any thing declines, or advances. The late Dr. Adam 
Smith confidered the bufhel of wheat, as the ftand- 
ard of values : the late Sir George Shuckburg, 
when he formed his celebrated table of appreciation, 
regarded the necelTaries of life, as the proper ftandard 
of prices : and, undoubtedly, the phyfical necelTaries 
are the appropriate ftandard of labour, and com- 
modities. The money unit, or pound fterling, does 
not therefore decline from this ftandard ; but, it is 
the prices of^ necelTaries, which advance, from the 
money unit, or pound fterling. 

♦ Report X. 

Yet, 



428 AN ESTIMATE OF 

Yet, it may be aiked, What are the caufes of that 
Advance ? The chief caufes are the profperity, the 
opulence, and freedom of the country : profperity 
produces wealth, and freedom allows every one to 
fpend, what he had acquired, either by his iiiduftry, 
or his good fortune* During the dear years of 
recent timeSy the high prices were attributed to the 
Bank paper. When this point was under confidera* 
tion in 1804, the abftra6l afTertion was regarded, 
as obvioufly unfounded : it was allowed, indeed, that 
the Bank paper promotes induftry, and commerce and 
circulation ; that all thofe create w ealth ; that riches 
beget luxury ; that luxury induces confumption; and 
confumption, by augmenting the demand, necelTarily 
tends to raife the prices of labour and commodities : 
and, the outcry, then is, that we are an enterprizing, 
commercial, money-making, and free-fpending peo- 
ple. Thus, is the Bank of England, like the heart, 
in the animal economy, the vital receptacle, \^ hich 
conftantly receives, and throws out, the circulating 
fluid, that energizes our whole commercial fyltem : 
it may truly be faid, that, if it were not for the Bank 
difcounts, we Ihould hardly have thofe good things,^ 
for which we are envied, our JliipSy commerce, and 
colonies] and for which our trade is obitru6led every 
where, under the dominator of Europe, in the true fpirit 
of the fox, which derided the grapes, that he could not 
reach. In this large view of the fubjeft, the mis- 
fortune is, that great profperity^ and low prices^ 
fcarcely ever exift together. 



INDEX 



429 
THE 

INDEX. 

ACTS of Parliament, number of, paffed in lo years, ending with 

1793, for promoting the interefts of the people - 274 
^ table of the number of, paffed in eight years, ending with 

1792, for making local improvements - - - ly^ 
' table of the number of, paffed in eight years, ending with 

1800, for making local improvements - - - 311 

of the fame, ending 1809 - - - - - 358 

Agriculture, promoted by Richard 11. - - - - 24 

little underftood before the time of Henry VIII. - - 28 

advantages to be derived from the encouragement of it 144 

■ progrefs of inclofures of walles and commons, from the time 

of Q. Anne, to the year 1800 - - - 145—313 
its improvement in the prefent reign - - - 312 — 29 

America, difadvantages to Great Britain from its increafed 

territory - - - ----- 141 

falfe alarms from the war with - - - - i6^ 

advantages to England frorii the independence of - 167-8 

Anne, Queen, the ftrength of the nation at her acceffion 82 

— — her revenue ------- 85-6 

the fupplies during her reign ----- 87 

' the poft-office duties during her reign - - - 91 

her navy --------89 

the amount and lolTes of trade and fliipping during her 

reign -------. 89-90 

complaints of the decline of both - - - - 93 

the falutary laws of her reign ----- 93-4 

•■ Annuities, which will fall in before 1808 - - 345 

AsTLE (Mr. Thomas) thanked for the communication of his 

tranfcript from the Exchequer books - - - 63 
Auckland (Lord) quoted - - - - - - 266 

Authors, fome ready to perfuade us that the nation is ruined 47. — • 

72.-73. — 91.-92.-93. — 105. — 108. — 112-13.— - 120-21.— 

126.— 132-33.— 135.— 153.-— 175. 

balance of Trade, ftate of opinions on - - .. - 244 

a Chronological Table of - - - - - 234 

r Table of, with the different nations of Europe, in 1771- 

2-3 - - - 249 

" Table of, with Africa and the Eaft Indies - - 250 

Table of, with America and the V\^eft Indies - - ihid. 

the net gains on - - - ■« - - -251 

in 1796 -- -. - - - - 258 

Bank of Amjierdam, diddonnt oi ----- 140 

£a«^ o/'JSw^^awc?, eftabliflied in 1695 - - ^ - 7^ 

G g Bank 



430 '^ H E INDEX: 

BaTtk ofEnglandy the lapfe of - - - • - . ^05 

. its circulation -----. j^jc?, 

Barnard, ^S'/r /oA/j, quoted - - - - - -134 

Banian g Hotifes, the origin of - - - -- - 45 

jB6??/r5, (country) their faiUires - - _ - - 296-7 
Bankruptcies, the mimhers 111 England from 1700 to 1793 - 291 

oi 1793, not owing to the war ----- 294 

how they obltruft circulation - - - - 294-5 

piogrefs and caufes of - - . , _ 292-5 

in 1793, caufes and confequences of - - 294 — 303 

how they injure manufaclures, and trade - - 190 

Bapfifms, number of, in the villages around London at different 
periods - - .- - - - ._ _ 217 

. number of, m 16 parilhes in Lancafliire, at different pe- 
riods - - - - - -■ - -218 

BolinCtBE-OKE, Lord, and others, mifreprefented the ftate of the 
, nation, 1750, when it was moll profperous - - 120 
Brakenridge, Dr. cenfured - _ - . Pref. xiv, 

Britain, Great. See England. 

BuEFON, Count de, fuppoied mankind urged to procreation by 
in(lin6t -- - - - - » -1 

Charles T. encouraged fliip-building - - - - 42 
Charles IL J!l?V?^', turnpikes eftabli/hed in his reign - 33 — 46 
•5 encouragement given to manufatlories, commerce, and huf- 

bandry, in his reign, by turnpikes, and inland navigation, 46 

and in the prefent ----- 273 — 75 

Chronological Table, its vaft informations - - - 234 
Circulation, well explained by Sir Tho. More - - - 29 

further illuftrated - - - - - ." 1^4 — 89 

the mifchieis of its obftrudions - - - - 189-90 

impeded by bankruptcies ----- 294-5 

Clarendon, Lorfi J, gives a pleating account of the commerce of 

England in the reign of Charles 1. - - - - 44 
Coz;?., the qu^intity coined, Chron. Table - - - - 234 

the quantity in circulation, at diff'erent periods - 261 — 267 

Coinage in each leign, from Queen Elizabeth's to the prefent 261 

the total of. ----- - Chron. Table. 

Commerce^ not encouraged by monopoly, prohibitions, or preventing 

the exportation of corn _ - _ - 33 — 37 

the conftant increafing ftate of, from 1580 - - - 43 

caufes of the lofs of trade in the Revolution war - 68-9 

Commerce, ftate of fiiips cleaied at the port of London in various 

years, from 1688 to 1784 - - - - - 69 

encouragements given to it fince the Revolution - - 77 

-= — increafed to double from the peace of Ryfwick to the 

accefTion of Queen Anne - - - - - 80 

— — flourilhing ftate of, at the demife of Queen Anne - 190-91 

— falfely reprefented by Wood, at the acceflion of George L 91 

Covwiercc, 



THE INDEX. 



431 



Cowwerce, ftate of, in the reign of George I. - - - 104-5 
valueof the exports 1738 - - - ,. 112 — 18 

— s — chronological table of the con:imerce of Great Britain frora 

the Reftoration to 1801 _ « - - > 234 

" '- general progrefs of, after our fucceflive wars - 243-4 

-= number of ads of parliament for the encouragement of, paffed 

in 10 years -_--.-_ 273 

CoMPTox, ^/r -SjOfwcer, anecdote of him - - - - 111 
Curriy the bounty on exportation, given in the firft parliament after 

the Revolution .---.--y6 

' the price of, from 1692 to 1699 - - - - 77 

annual export, from 1744 to 1748, 753,689 quarters - 118 

quantity confumed by each perfonin one year - 315-16 

quantity confumed in England and Wales in one year 317 

' bounty on the export of, in each year - - - ^^^ 

< the vaft amount of the whole bounty on export - ibid, 

• the exports and imports thereof, from 1696 toiSoo ibid, 

' bad confequences of the bounty on the export of 324-5 

the prices of, from 1688 to 1800 .-"""* ^^^^' 

— — the bounty on the import thereof, when it began - 329 

ditto, the amount of bounties thereon - - - ibid. 

— ^— laws, and bounty, difcuffed » - - - 323 — 331 
— — - dearth of, inveftigated ----- 331—335 
CuLLiFORD, ^FzY/mw, the firft infpedor-general - - Pref. vii. 

Cujlom duties, tjje annual amount of, from 1660 to 1689 49 

Cvjioms, arguments from them, of the profperity of the 

country - -- - - - - - ibid. 

' net, paid into the exchequer, from 1663 to 1800 - 234 

Davenant, JDr. thefecond infpedor-general - - Pref. vii, 

garbles, and praifes Gregory King - - - - 398 

Dearths, the caufes thereof, invelligated - - 331 — 3 

■ Depreciation of money ------ 333 

DoriDiNGTON, Mr. his conduft ----- 120 — 6 
Doomfday-book fliews the fcanty population of England - 4-5 
Dutch, their unneighbourly interference in the American war 17'! 

East India Company, ads of parliament for regulating its con^ 
cerns - - - -- - - - 270 

■ the affairs, and the trade of - - - - 270-1 

Edward, III. K?l/i^, deplorable ftate of labourers in his reign 8-9-10 

produce of a poll-tax in the 51ft year of his reign 12-13 

in 1360, coUeded 100,000 men to invade France - 18 

invited foreigners to inftrud his fubjeds in the ufeful arts 21 

in 1337 no wool to be exported - - - - ibid. 

Edward IV. King, his laws fhew the mercantile fyflem - 24 
Edward VI. King, brought over many thoufand manufadurers 31 

ad refpeding vagabonds ----- ibid. 

Elizabeth, Q«eew,herad refpeding labourers and their wages 35-6 

a few fdutary laws made in her reign - - - 37 

G g 2 Elizabeth, 



432 T H E I N D E X. 

Elizabeth, the number of people under her - - * S8 
England, fettled probably looo years before Chrift - - 3 

found by C;^la,r to contain a great multitude of people ibid. 

' the Britons foon taught manufactures and commerce - ibid. 

. Romans continued from 55 yeais before Cbrift, till 446 

after ------..- 3-4 

From this time began a war of 600 years continuance 4 

— — at the Conqueft divided into five elaffes of people - ibid. 
— — fuppofcd by Lord Ch. J. Hale, and Gregory King, to contain 

two millions of inhabitants at the Conqueit - - ibid. 
— — a Icene of infurredions, and foreign ravages, to the time of 

the Great Charter -------5 

-. ill efle^Vs of the Conqueft on population - - - ibid. 

the plague of 1349 faid to have taken off half its inhabitants 11 

■ number of inhabitants in 2,092,978 - - - - 14. 

- — — the tax paid by the principal towns, in England, 1377 16-17 

Edward III. raifed 100,000 men to invade France - 18 

attention to the trade, navigation, and commerce, from 1381 

. the trade, in the reign of Richard III. carried on chiefly by 

Italians -- - - - - - • ^S 

the number of fighting men in 1575, 1,172,674 - 37 

in ? 583, 1,1 72,000 — the number of inhabitants 4,688,000 38 

communicants and recufants in 1603, 2,065,498- - 39 

navy in 1581, 72,450 tons, and 14,295 men - - 40 

-21,797 feamen regiftered in London in 1732 - - 41 

the conftant increafing ftate of commerce from 1580 - 43 

£' 95?5* 2,095, raifed by taxes, confifcations, and contribu- 
tions, during the great rebellion - - - - 44 
■ Conformifts, Non-conformifts, and Papifts, in 1689, 2,599,726 

houfes in England and Wales in 1665, 1,230,000 — in 1690, 

1,300,000 - 51 

-^ houfes in 1801 ------- 216 

number of inhabitants, according to Gregory King, 5,500,000 

55 

7,000,000 of inhabitants at the Revolution - - 58 

the quick raifing of armies no proof of population - ibid. 

the number of fighting men at the Revolution, 1,308,000 62 

the number of fouls in 1801 ----- 221 

. income of the nation, jf. 45,500,000 - - - - 62 

•r yeaily ex pence of the people, j^. 4 1,700,000 • - ibid. 

value of the kingdom, £650,000,000 - - - 63 

circulating money, according to Davenant, j£. 1 8,500,000 ; 

according to Kmg, j^. 11,500,000 - - - ibid. 

annual income of James II. £. 2,061,856. 7*. 9|i/. - ibid. 

income paid into the exchequer in 1691. £. 4,249,757 64 

— — fuppHes during the war, /". 5,105,505 - - - ibid. 
— — diftrelTes during the Revolution war - - - - 67 

EnglakD; 



T H E I N D E X. 433 

EifGLAND,inthe reign of Queen Anne contained 2,025,000 fighting 
men - -,- - - - - - -83 

taxes in 1701,^.3,769,375 - - - - - 85 

paid into thelixchequer m 1703, £. 5,561,944 - - ibid, 

in 1707, 8, 9, 10, each year, ;^. 5,272,578 - - - 86 

revenue in 1726, £.7,224, 175 . - - ~ 101 

• proved to be in a thriving condition in 1729 - 1 1 1-12 

fallely reprefented by Lord Lytielton, Pope, and William 

Richardron, in 1738 112-13 

— furpius of taxes paid into the finking fund in 1738,^. 1 ,231 , 1 27 

' in 1750, reprefented by Lord Bolingbroke, Pope, Richardlon^ 

and Morris ------- 120-21 

difadvantages from the increafcd territory in America and 

the Weft Indies ------- 141 

— — retained too much territory by the peace of 1762 - 142-3 
— — ftill continues to profper - - - - - 143 

— — advantages from the encouragement of agriculture 144-5 
— — from improving the rodds, and making navigable canals 146-7 

improvements in our harbours and great towns - - 148 

encouragement given to manufddures - - - 150-1 

ufeful regulation for fliipping - - - - 150-2 

falutary efFeds of reforming the coin - - - 151 

— . — falfely repiefented as on the decline after the peace of 1763; 
the real Hate at that time - - - - - 152 

furpius produce of land and labour exported, on an average, 

in 1772, 3, 4,^^.15,613,003 - - - - 152 

at the colonial revolt, fuppofed to contain 2,350,000 fighting 

men -------- 156-7 

falfe alarms on account of the American war - - 1 66-7 

«— — ftate of the commerce with America in 1771, 2, 3, and 
1784 -------- 167 

— — fuifered no lofs from the independence of America 167-8 
derives mu.ny benefits from the independence of Ame- 
rica -------- 167— « 1^3 

chronological table of the commerce of, from the Reltoration 

to 1810- - - - - - - - 234 

— — eftimate of the trade of, in 1694, 5, 6, according to Sir Philip 
Meadows' calculation, compared with the ledger of the In- 
fpedor General ------- 239 

jEa?cAe</wer, income of, in 1691, £. 4,249,757 ' - - 64 

compared to the human heart <» - - - 192 

revenueof in 1783, 1784, and 1785 .- ~ . ,^2 

Net cuftoms paid into, from 1663 to 1800 and 1810 - 234 

• Bills, beneficial effects of the iffue of, in 1793 - - 29S-9 

Farms, confolidations of, depopulate the country - 318-19 
JPj/?ienes, encouraged in 1381 ------ 24 

-— — ads of paiiiament for the encouragement of = - 27'3 
G g 3 Foodf 



434 T H E I N D E X. 

pooc?, keeps population full, and accumulates numbers - - ^ 
France, the impolitic conduct of, in affifting the Americans 171 

Gardenings little underflood, before the time of Henry VIII. 28 
Gee, Jo5. his mifieprelentcitions of trade - - - - 105 
Geouge I. Utile lolicitous about his crown - - - 97 

foreign diipuies during bis reign - _ - - ibid, 

the prGipeiityot the nation - - - - - 98 

the national debt at his acceffion and demife - 99 — 101 

tne taxes, during his reign ----- 101-2 

the itate of his navy - - - - - - 103 

■ the U ate of the trade and (hipping - - - 104-5 

-the falutary laws made during his reign - - - 107 

George II. the llateof the nation at his accefllon - 1 10-11 

the increafe of ihe trade and Ihipping during the firft ten years 

of his reign, 112. — A ftatement of, ibid. — Complaints of 
their dechne -__-.- 112-13 

the ftrength of Britain at the commencement of the war of 

1739 - - - 114-16 

— the lofles of trade from that w^ar - - - - 117 

the profperity of the nation fubfequent to the peace in 1748 

118—20 

additional encouragements given - - - - 123 

— — a new war, in 1756 - - - - - - 126 

■^ the refources of Britain when it began - - - 127-8 

=- the nation profpers during the war - - - 128 — 30 

the great profperity at the peace of 1763 - - - 132 

the grouiidiefs complaints oi Hume and Blackftone 132-3 

George IlL the flate of the nation at his acceffion - 131 — -36 

the importance of liis firft recommendations to Parliament 144 

agriculture encouraged - - - - 14^ — 312 — 330 

the making of roads promoted - - - - 146 

the making of canals excited - - _ - 147 

manufadurers encouraged ----- 14S 

' the tifheries promoted - - - - - -150 

the gold coin reformed - - - - - -151 

■ the number of laws for makinglocal improvements 275 — 311 

the colonial revolt - - - - - -154 

the (late of the nation at that epoch - - - 155 — 8 

the lofles of trade from the war of the colonies - 160 

the revival of trade on the peace - - - - 163-4 

the national debt ------ 176 — 8 

— r — the new finking fund eftabiifhed - - - • 1 80 

the numbers of people during his reign - - - 220-1 

■ the coinage, trade, and fhipping of his reign, 234 — the chro- 
nological table. 

the numbers of (hips within the Britifh dominions, 1791, g'i, 

93, and 1800 - ----- 286 — 351 

the profperity of Britain^ from 1783 to 1793 - 2^—82 

George 



THE INDEX. 435 

George III. a new war begins _ - - • - 283 

the ftate of the nation - - - - - 284 — 7 

the lolfes of trade - 288 

the people being more enlightened, more induftrious, and 

more opulent, are more able to bear the misfortunes of 

bufinefs and war - _ _ - _ 288 — 387 

Greenland, Fijheri/, ftate of, in 1772-5, compared with 1782-5 169 

Hale, Lord Chief Jujlice fuppofed mankind urged to procreation 
by inflindt - - - - -- - -1-2 

-■: fuppofed England to contain two millions of inhabitants at 

the Conqueft --------4 

■ his opinion in favour of a progreffive population - 50 

his favourable judgment of the parifli regirters - - 41 

//eorM fad', of 1^96, account of - - - - 196 

Gregory King's calculation of, with obfervations - 197 

■ produce of in Ireland at different periods - - -- 222 

Henry V. King, the want of inhabitants in his reign, occafioned 
by the war and by the plague - - - -18-iy 

Henry VU. King, drew over woollen manufadurers from the 
Netherlands - - - - - - -26 

Henry VI H. King, agriculture and gardening much improved in 
his reign ----.---28 

intereft of money at 1 o per cent. - - - - 29 

Highways, the iirft a6t for their repair in the time of Queen Mary 33 

• turnpikes eftabliflied in the reign of Charles IL - ibid. 

«— — advantages of turnpike roads to population - - 125 

■ the progrefs of ----- - 14^-7 

• greatly improved fince the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle - 147 

Holland, interpofition refpeding, in 1787 - - - 3yi 
Houfes in England, the number returned to the tax-office at diffe- 
rent periods, from 1750 to 1794 - - - 21 — 314 

number of houfes chargeable in 1756 and 1794 - 214 

the number of houfes in each county in England and Wales, 

in 1690, 1708, 1750, 1781, and 1801 - - _ 216 

the controverfy about the true number decided - - 215 

numberin Irelandin 1672 and in 1791 - - - 223 

Hume (IMr. David) his opinion on population - - - 2 — 15 

■ his opinion on governmenr ------ 7 

his perplexity about the populoufnefs of Elizabeth's reign 38 

his declamations on the national debt - «• - 132 

James I. King, his reign _ - - • - « 41 

falutary laws palled in his reign . - - - ibid, 

his endeavours to afcertain the imports and exports Pref. iv. 

II. his annual income, £. 2,061,856. 7^. g\d. - 63 — 80 

Jenyns (Soame) his notions of the depreciation of money - 328 

Improvements (local) table of the ads of parliament for, in eight 

years, ending with 1792 ----- 275 

G g 4 JmprovimcnUf 



436 T H E I N D E X. 

Improtietnenfs in eight yta.rs, ending with iSoo • - - 311 

in ditto, eiidiDg with 1 809 ----- g^g 

Improvement of Land, progrefs in the reign of Queen Anne, 

George I. George II. and George III. - - - 313 

Inclofures, proclamations againft, as injurious to hufbandry 32 

progrefs of, from the time of Queen Anne - - 94 — 313 

Income and Expenditure, view of, in 1784 - - - - 2^8 
-— — in 1786 -- - - - - - - 280 

in 1801 --.---.« 3^8 

in 1809 - - - iUd^ 

l7jfpe6ior General of the exports and imports, ellablifliment of 

Pref. vi. 

who the firft— who the fecond - - - - ibid, yii, 

in Scotland, when ellabhfhed - - « _ ibid, 

Injiin6i, the caufe of procreation - - - - - 2 

Infurances, the price ©f, to different countries - - 308-9-10 
Intereji of Money, 10 per cent, in time of Henry VIII. ' - 29 

in 1623, reduced from 10 to 8 per cent. - « - 43 

in 1651, reduced to 6 per cent. - - - - 45 

Intereji of the national debt, reduced to 4 per cent, in 1727 110 

in 1750, to 3|- for feven years, after that to 3 per cent. 120 

redudion of ------- 264 

Ireland, produce of the hearth tax in, at different periods 222 
— ~ number ofhoufes in, in 1672, and in 1791 - - 223 

population of in 1672, and in 1791 - - - ibid. 

— - — hiiiorical iketch of its progrefs ^ - - - 378 — 416 
Judges, advantages from the increafe of their falaries - 144 

King, Gregory, fuppofed England to contain two millions of in- 
habitants at the Conqueft - - - - - 4 

> extrads from his calculations on population - 52 — 4-5-6 

. praifed - - - - - - - Pref. xvi. 

Labourers, Statute of, iewp. E, III. account of it - - 8 — 22 
„_ — other regulations in the fame reign - - - - g 
— the ftatutes being confirmed by Rich. II. caufe the rebellion 

of Tyler and Straw - - - - - -10 

> revifed in the reign of Elizabeth - - - _ 35-6 

Ledger of the exports and imports, when, and by whom efla- 

blifhed - Pref. vi. 

what information it furnifhes - - - - ibid. 

Linen Manufactory, the quantity of linens flamped for fale in 

Scotland, in the years 1771, 2, 3, 4 - - - 190 

— flate of, in Scotland, in 1728 and 1775 - - 224 — 31 

of Scotland, in 3772, 3, 4, compared with 1782, 3, 4 231 

quantity flamped for fale, in Scotland, in 1789, 1790, 1, 

2, 3 - - - - - - - - - 302 

Liverpool, between Auguft 26, 1 778, and April 17,1779, fitted out 

120 privateers, of 30,787 tons, 1,986 guns, and 8,754 men 40 

Liverpool^ 



T H E I N D E X. 437 

Liverpool, the hiftory of her population, trade andflilpping ibid, 

her commercial diftrefs from the bankruptcies of 1793 295 

meafures for her relief ------ 300 

— . — rapid increafe of its population - - - - 218 

houfes in, at different periods - - . _ ii,i^^ 

London, her trade and (hipping in 1789 to 1793 - 41 — 69 
Lords of Trade quoted - - - - - - - 267 

Lyttelton, Lordj in 1731, wrote on the Hate of England 112 

Magna Ckarfa, added fecurity to the free, but gave little freedom 
to the flave -----«-y 

Malt, comparifon of the quantity confumed in 1773, 4, 5, with 
1780, 1, 2 - - - - - - - 191 

Manchester, houfes in, in 1773, and 1783 - - - 218 
Mankind, prone to complain of the prefent - - - Pref. i, 
Manvfadurers, Walloon manufadurers come to England - 21 

came over from the Netherlands - - - 21-22 — 25 

England over-run with foreign manufacturers - 25-26 

many thoufands brought over in 1549 - - - 31 

Manvfad:ure$, the great encouragement given to them - 148 

acquired fmce the Revolution ----- 208 

value of the exports (exclufive of the woollen) in 1699, 1700, 

1701, compared with 1769, 70, 71 - _ _ 209 

number of a^s of parliament for the encouragement of, in 10 

years - - - - - - - - 273 

(Britifh) value' of, exported, in 1774 and 1792, com- 
pared -- - - - - - - 284-5 

Mary, Queen, in her reign the firll ad for repair of highways 33 
Meadows (Sir Philip), his general eftimate of the trade of En- 
gland - 239 

MoLEswoRTH, Lord, his declamations - - - 108-9 
Money, intereil 10 percent, in the time of Henry VIIL - 29 

fubftance of a parliamentary debate on circulation in the 

reign of Henry VIH. ----- 29-30 

the intereil reduced, in 1623, from 10 to 8 per cent. - 45 

in 1651, reduced to 6 per cent. - - - - 45 

in circulation, according to Davenant, j^. 18,500,000, ac- 
cording to King, jf. 11,500,000 - - - - 63 
-— — jf 3,400,000 brought into commerce by fuppreffing of ham- 
mered money, 1697 - - - - - - 84 

borrowed by government, in 1702, at 5 ajid 6 per cent, ihid^ 

• intereft fixed at 5 per cent, in 1714 - - - - 98 

■ interefl in the reign of Geo. I. 3 per cent. - - ibid, 

falutary efFe6ts of reforming the coin - - - 151 

advantagesof an increafmg circulation - - - 187 

evils of an obftrufted circulation - w - - 1 89 

■ advantages of a well-regulated coinage - - - 259 

value of, coined from Q. Eliz. to 25 Mar. 1793 - - 261 

-- — • quantity in circulation at various periods ■' - 262 — 5 

Money ^ 



4S8 T H E I N D E X. 

Money, interefl: of, a criterion of the plenty or fcarcity - 264 

the depreciation thereof inveftiga/ted - - - 333 

its effed on prices - - - ^ 323 — 32S— -334 

— ► — its effed on the civil lift - - » . - 335 

More (Sir Thomas), his remarkable fpeech - - . 29-30 

JV«ifzort«^ D«^f, at Lady-day 1702,^. 10,0^)6,777 - - 64 

iirft funded 1711, £,9,471,325 .... 86 

^inr/H, X- 50,644,306. 13* e^rf 87 

advantages of a nation.il debt _ - « - 98-9 

— — at the acceflion of Geo. 1 1. more than 50 millions - 110 

— the intereft reduced to 4 per cent, in 1727 - - ibid, 

v^ Dec. 31, 1738, £.46,314,829 . - -. . ibid, 

Dec. 31, 1749, £.74,221,686 - - - - 119 

.. the intereft reduced to 3! and 3 per ceot. 1750 - 120 

in 1762, £. 146,68'?, 844 - - - - . 139 

■ nature of it explained - - - - - . ibid. 

' in I775,£.i35,943,®5t - - - . . 155 

in 1783, £.212,302,429 173 

unfunded debt at that time, £.18,856,542 ^ - 174 

difficulties arifing from unfunded debts - - 174-5 

ft ate of, at the end of the wars of 1764 and 1784, com- 
pared - - - - - - - -176 

in 1785, £.239,154,880 - - - - - 179 

a finking fund of one million eftabliftied for the difcharge 

of it - - - - - _, _ - 179-80 

ftate of, in 1786, 1793, and 1801 - - - 338-9 

unfunded, in 1793, and 1801 _ - - - 340-1 

— — redud:ion of, by the finking fund - - - 241 — 245 
Navigation Ad;^ the principle of the aft introduced in 1381 24 
Navigations, Inlandy advantages of - - - - - 147 

the great attention paid to them fince the Revolution ibid. 

Navy of England, in 1581, 72,450 tons, and 14,295 mariners 4a 

feamen regiftered in London, in 1732, 21,797 - - 41 

— . — the bounty given by different kings for buildirrg large ftiips 42-3 
— ftate of, in 1660 — 62,594 ^^ns 

1675— 69,681 

1688 — 101,032 

1695 — 112,400, - - - - - 66 

comparifon of the Englifh and French fleets in 1693 67 

——in 1701, 261,222 tons, 16,591 failors - - - 88-9 

. afterwards, in Q. Anne's reign, 273,693 tons, 16,422 failors 88 

■ ftate of, at various periods in that reign - - - S9 

at the acceflion of Geo. L - - - - - 105 

ftate of, at various periods in that reign - - - ibid. 

— — ftate of, in 1727, 1741, 1749 - - . - - 116 
— — ftate of, in 1749, 1754, 176a - - - - 129 

ftate of, in 1754, 1760, 1774 - ^ - - - 157 

— — additions made from 1775 to 1781 - - - - ibid. 

>- ftate of, in 1783 - - - - - - 158-9 

Navy, 



THE INDEX. 459 

JTavy, ftate of, in 1792 - - - - - - - 225 - 

in 1760, 1774, 1792, and 1800, compared - - 287 

NooTKA,interpo(iUonrefpe6ting, in 1790- - - - ^yi 

Newfoundland Fijhery J comparative ftate of, in 1764-5, \vith 1784 

1785 168 

OcKZAKOw, interpofitionrefpeding, in 1791 - - - i^iid, 

Pcfzce, difcufled 353— S^i 

Philips, £^'a/wM5, his Hate of the nation - - -■ - 105 
Poor Lazvsy originated in the reign of Elizabeth - - - 3(> 
Poor Rates J at the end of the reign of Ch. II. ;^.665; as given in to 

parliament, 1776, ^. 1,556,804 - - - - 3©^ 
Pope, A. wrote ©n the ftate of England in 1738 - - 113 

Population^ opinions about the caulie of - - - - 1-2 
Population of England, the influence of plenty of provifions 2 

ill effects of the Conqueft on - . - - - 4-5 

civil war and peftilence alfo greatly affe6led it - - S-11 

obfervations on the ftatule of labourers, temp. Edward III. 8 

half the mhabitantsof England died in the plague of 1349 1 1 

number of people in England and Wales in 1377 ' ^4 

the numbers of people in the principal towns - 16-17 

■ the tax paid by mod of the principal towns in 1377 ibid. 

Edward III. raifed 100,000 men to mvade France in 1360 18 

fuch great armies no proof of population - - - 19 

various circumftances of depopulation - - - ibid, 

• the advantage to population by the dilTolution of mona- 

fteries - - - - - - - --31 

the number of fighting men in England in 1575 - - 37 

• — in 1583, 1,172,000 — the number of inhabitants - - 38 

communicants and recufants in 1603, 2,065,498 - 39 

Conformifts, Non-conformifts, andPapiftSjin 1689, 2,599,786 

50 

the evidence of parifh regifters confidered - - - 51 

houfes in England and Wales in 1665, 1, 230,000 — 1690, 

1,300,000 - - - 51 

number of inhabitants, according to Gregory King, 5,500,000 

54-5 

various calculations on the number to be allowed to each 

houfe - _ - 1 . - _ . 55-6 
- — ^-- 7>^oo?o<^o i'^'^ti^bitants at the Revolution - - 57-8 

■ the quick raifing of armies no proof of - - - 5S-9 

fuppofed by fome to have decreafed from the Revolution, 

but the contrary {hewn - - ~ - - 73-4 

an uncommon demand for manufadures caufes an apparent 

decreafe of population - - _ _ - -78-9 

in the reign of Q. Anne Great Britain contained 2,025,000 

fighting men --_-„-_ 83 

■ various temporary caufes of a decay of - - - 121 
— — a want of labourers a proof of profperity and popula- 
tion - -"■• - - - - 121-2 

Pojpulation 



44© THE INDEX. 

Papulation ofEtiglandy encouraged by the free Britifh Fishery and 
the Society of Arts, &c. - - - - - 123-4 

by turnpikes and navigation - . - - 124-5 

— — an increafe, proved by a comparifon of the duties on foap, 
candles, and hides - - - - - - 128-9 

— — proved by increafed exportation - - - "137 

review of the controverfies concerning - - 193 — j 

— account of the hearth-tax of 1696 - - - - 197 

Gregory King's calculation of the number of inhabitants, 

according to their claflTes ----- Q03 

inquiry whether the number of cottages are increafed or 

decreafed ------- 204-7 

number of cottages returned in 1759 and 1781 - 205 

ftages of, as affeded by the employment of the people 

211-12 

p.rogref» of, from the Conqueft to the prefent time, according 

to their employments - - - - - 212-13 

arguments of an increafed, from the regifters of baptifms 

217-18 

no arguments to be drawn from fome counties being faid to 

have decreafed, which is in general owing to the negle6l of 
making accurate returns - - - - -217 

law of fetllements detrimental to - - - - 219 

increafed in Lancafliire, within 90 years, more than with 

the botilled rapidity of the American Hates - - 218 

at prefeet, more than 9 millions, 221. - - Pref. ix. 

• of Ireland, ftate of the hearth-tax at various periods, from 

1687 to 1782 - - - - - - - 222 

— — ilate of, in 1672, and in 1791 ----- 223 

the controverfy about it decided - - - Pref. xi, 

of the Comitiy, forced into towns - - - - 3 1 8 

■^ decreafeof in the agricultural counties - - 318 19 

-^ of ScotlandfSt'dte of, at the Union, compared with England, 

from the revenue, the cuflom-houfe duties, poftages, re- 
coinage, and excife ------ 224-5 

• — — at the Union, the number of people complained <of as a bur- 
then, 226 ; and at prefent ----- 224 

— -^ advantages derived to it from the Union - - 225-6 

Foji Office J average revenue, four laft years of W. 111.^.82,31^ 

72—90 

firft four of Q.Anne's war, jf. 61,568 - - - 90-91 

. 1807, 8, 9, 10, average, ;^. 58,052 - - - - 91 

' revenue in 1711, 12, 13, 14, average, jf. 90,223 - ihid. 

■ income of, in 1754, and 1764 ----- 132 

revenue of, 1764 and 1774, compared ^ - - 152 



revenue of, in 1755, 1765, 1775, 1784, 1785 - - 164 

« revenue of, in 1786 to 1792 - - - - - 277 

Frefsy independent y of more efficacy than penalties - - 181 
Price (Dr.) confuted - - « - - Pref. xi. 213-14 

Frize 



T H E r N D E X. 441 

Pftze Goorf*, the value of exported from 1793 to 1800 - 307 

' D° imported - - - - - - - ibid. 

Procreation, Judge Hale, Sir James Stuart, and Buffoii, confider 
men as urged to it by natural inftind - - - 1-2 

Resrifter General of Shipping, when eftablifiied, and by whom 

Pref. vi. 
Kejloration, its happy effeds ------ 45 

Revolution, advantages and difadvantages of - - - 74-5 

changed tlie maxims of adminiftration - - - 74 

Richard 111. King, during his reign the trade carried on chiefly 

by Itahans _-._--- ^5-6 

Romans, in England from 55 years before Chrift to the year 446 

after - - , 3,4 

Rose (George) quoted ------- 255 

Sailors, the number employed in 1700-1, compared with thofe em- 
ployed between 1764 and 74, and in 1792 - - 2io 
Scotland, advantages derived to that country from the Union 94-5 

126.7 

ftate of the linen manufadory in 1728 and 1775 - 227 

• ftate of the fhipping and commerce in 1712 and 1792 228 

— — improvements in the manufadures of - - - 231-2 

her population • - - - - - - 224 

linen cloth ftamped for fale in 1789, 1790, 1, 2, 3 - 302 

(hipping and trade of, in the fame years - - - ibid, 

' exports from, in 1782, 1786, 1789, 1792, and 1793 ibid. 

value of exports from, in different years from 1755 to 1785 

229 

• trade and filhing of, in 1769, 1774, 1784, I785 - 230 

flipping of, in 1759, 1761-3-4, 1782 and 1792 - ibid. 

Shipping. See chronological table ----- 234 

ads of parliament for the increafe of, - - - 272 

increafe of, from 1772 to 1792 - - - « 285 

quantity of, belonging to the Britifh dominions in 1791-2-3 

28§ 

(Britirti) in 1793 and 1800 compared - - - 30S 

profit on the freight of, in 1688, 1774, 1784, and 1792 237 

in 1702, 190,533 tons, and 11,432 failors - - 66 

— comparifonof the exports of 1726, 7, 8, with 1736,7,8, 112 

ftate of, at various periods, from 1736 to 1751 - 117 

from 1749 to 1762 - - - - - - 131 

to 1766 - - - - - -- - 132 

ufeful regulations of - - - - - - 150 

a comparifcm of the fhips cleared outwards in 1764, 5, 6, 

with 1772,3,4 152 

— — ftate of the fliips cleared outward from 1772 to 1782 160 

comparifon of the fliips cleared outwards in 1758, 9, 60, 1, 2, 

with 1778,9, 80;, I, 2 - . - - - 161 

Shipping, 



442 T H E I N D E X. 

Shipping. Ships cleared outwards at different epochs, frora 1749 to 
1785 - - - - - - - - 164 

■' of K.William's reign, compared with that of the prefent 

reign - - - - - - -- 210 

ftate of that of Scotland before the Union, in 1712, and 

1784 . - - 225 

comparifon of the fliips cleared outward and entered inward 

ini709,i8,37,5i,2, 3,71,2, 3,andi784,i79o,9i, 92 255-6 
Sinkifig Fund, ^rikeixaihliihed in ij 16 - - - - 100 

lurplus of taxes in 1738 £. 1,231,127 - - - 114 

— — ftate of, from 1764 to 1776 - - - - - 155 

the advantages of- - - - - - -180 

former ones eftabliHied by lowering of interell - 180-1 

the neceffity of its being held facred by future minifters 181 

— of one milhon, will in fixty years difcharge 317 millions at 

75 per cent. ------ 182-3 

— — of more importance than the acquifition of the American 

mines -- - - - - - -183 

advantages of, b}^ increafmg the circulation of money 185-8 

how much flock was purchafed by it in eight years 183-4 

■ how far Mr. Pitf s fmking fand went beyond Earl Stanhope's 

calculation - • • - - - -184 

' operations of ------- 280-1 

progrefs of, from 1786 to 1801 - - - 341 — 345 

(new) progrefs of, from 1793 to 1801, on to 1809 342 — 345 

Slates, at the conqueft, the fale of them to infidels prohibited 20 
— the purchafed labour of freedom more produdive than the 

toil of flaves .-----.o^ 

>S«w^o-/2//o:, advantages from the prevention of - - 191-2 
Soap, comparifon of the quantity confumed in 1773, 4, 5, with 

1780, 1,2 ------- 191 

§PAiN^ her error in joining the aflbciated powers againft England 

STAiNTHOPE, £a;7, calculations on the fmking fund - - 184 

Stocks f ftatement of the prices of in 1784, 5, and 1800, 1 - 350 

Sfrejigfk of Nations, various opinions of - - - - 60 

Sw£DE]sr, Interpofition refpedling, in 17S8 • , • 3^1 

Taxes, firft eftabliflied in the great Rebellion - - -44 

in 1701, £.3,769,375 - - - - . - 85-6 

in 1707, 8,9, 10, each year, jf. 5,272,578 ^ • ^ 26 

furplus of, in Geo. I, reign - - - . - 100 

furplusof taxes in 1738, £.1,251,127 • - . 114 

produce of, from 1784 to 1801 and 1809 - - 346-7-8 

Trade. See Commerce. 
Turnpikes. See Highways. 

VagabondSf an aft concerning them in the time of Edward VI. when 
each p»rfon living idly for three days was to be marked with 
a V. and to becoiuft the flave ©f tte perfoo taking him up 31 

Fagabonds, 



T H E r N D E X. 445 

Vagahonds, that law foon repealed - - - - - 32 

Victual, more railed now in a bad year tban formerly in a good 
one - - - - - - - - - 315 

Villeticge, the difliculty of tracing the time when it ceafed in En- 
gland -------- 22-3 

Vilkns, few at the acceffion of Henry VIII. - - - 23 

t/nioTi of the Kingdom., aidvsiiit'dges derived from it - *- 94-5 

Walpole (Sir Robert) anecdote of him - - - - 111 
War, expences of, more than (laughter, debiHtates a country 112 
few ufeful hands taken off by it, proved from increafed manu- 

fadures and exports - - - - - - 137 

chiefly deftrudive by obftruding circulation - - 191-2 

■ the lofr< s from - ^ - - - - - 306 

— — the gains from - - - - - • 307 — 13 
WHiTAKAR(Mr.) his hiftory of Manchefter praifed - - 4-5 
William I. King, revolution of property and power, in his reign 5 

ill effeds of the Conqueft on population - - -6 

William III. King^ his annual income, ^.4,415,360 - - ^4- 
WiLSON (Dr.), quoted -.-♦--- 367-8 

Window-tax, obfervations on, from 1710 to the prefent time 177 
Wines, low, comparifon on the quantity confumcd in 1773, 4, 5, 

with 1780, 1, -2 -----.- i6g 
Wood, rf^?;z. his ftate of the nation - - - - 91 — 105 

who he was - - -- - - - -91 

Woollen Manufadiure, the ^rogrefs of, irom \<io,K^ - - 21-2 

• in 1485, had been fixed in every county in England - 24 

— ' — of Yorkfliire, at this time gieater than the whole woollen 

manufadure of England at the Re^/olution - - 208 
exported in 1699, 1700, 1, compared with 17(?9, 70, 71, and 

with 1790, 91,92 209 

continues to flourifh ----.- 208 

how many people it employs ----- ibid. 

Wool, (cotton) the quantity imported into England, in fucceffive 

years --x-_.-_ 209 
(Spanifli) the quantity imported into England in fucceffive 

years -------- ibid. 



THE END, 



Printed by I.uke Hanfard & Sons, 
near Lincoln's-Inn Fields, Leiidoa. 

1810. 



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